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BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN 


BY 


JOHN  T.  MORSE,  JR. 

AUTHOR  OP  "tIFE  OP  JOHN  ADAMS/'    "LIFE   OP   JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS  ?- 

"LIFE  OF  THOMAS  JEFFERSON,''  ETC. 


BOSTON  AND  NEW  YOKK 
HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND  COMPANY 

(Cfte  Ifttoersibe 


Copyright,  1889, 
Y    JOHN  T.  MORSE,  JR. 

All  rights  reserved. 


The.  Riverside  Press,  Cambriff^f,  Mass.,  U.  S.  A.: 
Electrotyprd  mil  Printed  by  Li.  0.  Ilouguton  &  Company 


E302, 


PREFACE. 


JUST  as  I  am  reading  the  last  proof-sheet  of 
this  volume,  its  publishers  send  me  a  catalogue 
of  their  "  Books  of  Biography."  In  it  my  eye  in 
opportunely  falls  upon  these  discouraging  words, 
quoted  from  the  Hon.  John  Bigelow,  concerning 
Parton's  Life  of  Franklin :  "  The  delightful  work 
of  Mr.  Par  ton  has  left  no  place  in  English  litera 
ture  for  another  biography  of  this  most  illustrious 
of  our  countrymen."  I  am  much  of  Mr.  Bigelow's 
opinion.  Mr.  Parton  has  given  us  such  an  admi 
rable  biography,  so  exhaustive  and  so  remarkably 
happy  in  setting  the  real  man  vividly  before  the 
reader,  that  I  feel  that  I  must  give  something  be 
tween  a  reason  and  an  apology  for  the  existence  of 
this  volume.  The  fact  is  simply  this:  without  a 
life  of  Franklin  this  series  would  have  appeared  as 
absurdly  imperfect  as  a  library  of  English  fiction 
with  Scott  or  Thackeray  absent  from  the  shelves. 
The  volume  was  a  necessity,  and  since  Mr.  Par- 
ton's  work,  even  if  it  could  be  borrowed  or  stolen, 
would  not  fit  the  space,  this  little  book  has  been 
written.  No  poor  genie  of  oriental  magic  was  ever 
squeezed  into  more  disproportionately  narrow  quar- 


yi  PREFACE. 

ters  than  is  Franklin  in  these  four  hundred  pages ; 
but  again  necessity  must  bear  the  burden  of  re 
sponsibility. 

The  edition  of  Franklin's  works  referred  to  in 
this  volume  is  that  of  Mr.  John  Bigelow,  published 
by  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New  York,  1887-88. 

The  edition  of  Bancroft's  History  of  the  United 
States  referred  to  is  the  earliest  octavo  edition. 

JOHN  T.  MORSE,  JR. 
BEVERLY  FARMS,  August  9,  1889. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.  EARLY  YEARS 1 

II.  A    CITIZEN    OF    PHILADELPHIA:  CONCERNMENT    IN 

PUBLIC  AFFAIRS 17 

III.  REPRESENTATIVE  OF  PENNSYLVANIA    IN  ENGLAND: 

RETURN  HOME «.     58 

IV.  LIFE  IN  PHILADELPHIA 85 

V.  SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND  :  L  .        .        .99 

VI.   SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND:  II.        ...        141 
VII.   SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND  :  III      THE  HUTCHIN- 
SON    LETTERS  :    THE    PRIVY    COUNCIL    SCENE  : 

RETURN  HOME 175 

VIII.   SERVICES  IN  THE  STATES 202 

IX.  MINISTER  TO  FRANCE  :  I.     DEANE  AND  BEAUMAR- 

CHAIS:  FOREIGN  OFFICERS 217 

X.  MINISTER   TO   FRANCE:  II.      PRISONERS:  TROUBLE 

WITH  LEE  AND  OTHERS 245 

XI.  MINISTER  TO  FRANCE  :  III.    TREATY  WITH  FRANCE  : 

MORE  QUARRELS 264 

XII.  FINANCIERING 300 

XIII.  HABITS  OF  LIFE  AND  OF  BUSINESS  :  AN  ADAMS  IN 

CIDENT      333 

XIV.  PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS  :  LAST  YEARS  IN  FRANCE   .     352 
XV.   AT  HOME  :    PRESIDENT   OF   PENNSYLVANIA  :    THE 

CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION  :  DEATH     .        .        397 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  I. 

EARLY   YEARS. 

IT  is  a  lamentable  matter  for  any  writer  to  find 
himself  compelled  to  sketch,  however  briefly,  the 
early  years  of  Benjamin  Franklin.  That  autobiog 
raphy,  in  which  the  story  of  those  years  is  so  inim 
itably  told,  by  its  vividness,  its  simplicity,  even  by 
its  straightforward  vanity,  and  by  the  quaint  charm 
of  its  old-fashioned  but  well-nigh  faultless  style, 
stands  among  the  few  masterpieces  of  English 
prose.  It  ought  to  have  served  for  the  perpetual 
protection  of  its  subject  as  a  copyright  more  sacred 
than  any  which  rests  upon  mere  statutory  law. 
Such,  however,  has  not  been  the  case,  and  the  nar 
rative  has  been  rehearsed  over  and  over  again  till 
the  American  who  is  not  familiar  with  it  is  indeed 
a  curiosity.  Yet  no  one  of  the  subsequent  narrators 
has  justified  his  undertaking.  Therefore  because 
the  tale  has  been  told  so  often,  and  once  has  been 
told  so  well,  and  also  in  order  that  the  stone  which 
it  is  my  lot  to  cast  upon  a  cairn  made  up  of  so 
many  failures  may  at  least  be  only  a  small  pebble, 


2  ,     .  •    ,  •  BEiMAtfrlN  FRA&KLIN. 

I  shall  get  forward  as  speedily  as  possible  to  that 
point  in  Franklin's  career  where  his  important 
public  services  begin,  at  the  same  time  commending 
every  reader  to  turn  again  for  further  refreshment 
of  his  knowledge  to  those  pages  which  might  well 
have  aroused  the  envy  of  Fielding  and  Defoe. 
"  FranklilLcame  from  typical  English  stock.  For 
three  hundred  years,  perhaps  for  many  centuries 
more,  his  ancestors  lived  on  a  small  freehold  at 
Ecton  in  Northamptonshire,  and  so  far  back  as 
record  or  tradition  ran  the  eldest  son  in  each  gen 
eration  had  been  bred  a  blacksmith.  But  after  the 
strange  British  fashion  there  was  intertwined  with 
this  singular  fixedness  of  ideas  a  stubborn  inde 
pendence  in  thinking,  courageously  exercised  in 
times  of  peril.  The  Franklins  were  among  the 
early  Protestants,  and  held  their  faith  unshaken 
by  the  terrors  of  the  reign  of  Bloody  Mary.  By 
the  end  of  Charles  the  Second's  time  they  were 
non-conformists  and  attendants  on  conventicles  ; 
and  about  1682  Josiah  Franklin,  seeking  the  peace 
ful  exercise  of  his  creed,  migrated  to  Boston,  Mas 
sachusetts.  His  first  wife  bore  him  seven  children, 
and  died.  Not  satisfied,  he  took  in  second  nuptials 
Abiah  Folger,  "daughter  of  Peter  Folger,  one  of 
the  first  settlers  of  New  England,  of  whom  hon 
orable  mention  is  made  by  Cotton  Mather,"  and 
justly,  since  in  those  dark  days  he  was  an  active 
philanthropist  towards  the  Indians,  and  an  oppo 
nent  of  religious  persecution.1  This  lady  outdid 

1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  i.  27. 


EARLY    YEARS.  3 

her  predecessor,  contributing  no  less  than  ten  chil 
dren  to  expand  the  family  circle.  The  eighth  of 
this  second  brood  was  named  Benjamin,  in  memory 
of  his  father's  favorite  brother.  He  was  born  in 
a  house  on  Milk  Street,  opposite  the  Old  South 
Church,  January  6,  old  style,  17,  new  style,  1706. 
Mr.  Parton  says  that  probably  Benjamin  "  derived 
from  his  mother  the  fashion  of  his  body  and  the 
cast  of  his  countenance.  There  are  lineal  descend 
ants  of  Peter  Folger  who  strikingly  resemble  Frank 
lin  in  these  particulars ;  one  of  whom,  a  banker  of 
New  Orleans,  looks  like  a  portrait  of  Dr.  Franklin 
stepped  out  of  its  frame."  l  A  more  important  in 
heritance  was  that  of  the  humane  and  liberal  traits 
of  his  mother's  father. 

In  that  young,  scrambling  village  in  the  new 
country,  where  all  material,  human  or  otherwise, 
was  roughly  and  promptly  utilized,  the  unproduc 
tive  period  of  boyhood  was  cut  very  short.  Frank 
lin's  father  speedily  resolved  to  devote  him,  "  as  the 
tithe  of  his  sons,  to  the  service  of  the  church,"  and 
so  sent  him  to  the  grammar  school.  A  droller 
misfit  than  Franklin  in  an  orthodox  New  England 
pulpit  of  that  era  can  hardly  be  imagined ;  but 
since  he  was  only  seven  years  old  when  his  father 
endeavored  to  arrange  his  life's  career,  a  misappre- 
ciation  of  his  fitnesses  was  not  surprising.  The 
boy  himself  had  the  natural  hankering  of  children 
bred  in  a  seaboard  town  for  the  life  of  a  sailor. 
It  is  amusing  to  fancy  the  discussions  between  this 

1  Parton's  Itfe  of  Franklin,  i.  31. 


4  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

babe  of  seven  years  and  his  father,  concerning  his 
occupation  in  life.  Certainly  the  babe  had  not 
altogether  the  worst  of  it,  for  when  he  was  eight 
years  old  his  father  definitively  gave  up  the  notion 
of  making  him  a  preacher  of  the  Gospel.  At  the 
ripe  age  of  ten  he  was  taken  from  school,  and  set 
to  assist  his  father  in  the  trade  of  tallow-chandler 
and  soap-boiler.  But  dipping  wicks  and  pouring 
grease  pleased  him  hardly  better  than  reconciling 
infant  damnation  and  a  red-hot  hell  with  the  love 
liness  of  Christianity.  The  lad  remained  discon 
tented.  His  chief  taste  seemed  to  be  for  reading, 
and  great  were  the  ingenuity  and  the  self-sacrifice 
whereby  he  secured  books  and  leisure  to  read  them. 
The  resultant  of  these  several  forces  was  at  last 
a  suggestion  from  his  father  that  he  should  take 
up,  as  a  sort  of  quasi-literary  occupation,  the  trade 
of  a  printer.  James  Franklin,  an  older  brother  of 
Benjamin,  was  already  of  that  calling.  Benjamin 
stood  out  for  some  time,  but  at  last  reluctantly 
yielded,  and  in  the  maturity  of  his  thirteenth  year 
this  child  set  his  hand  to  an  indenture  of  appren 
ticeship  which  formally  bound  him  to  his  brother 
for  the  next  nine  years  of  his  life. 

Handling  the  types  aroused  a  boyish  ambition  to 
see  himself  in  print.  He  scribbled  some  ballads, 
one  about  a  shipwreck,  another  about  the  capture 
of  a  pirate  ;  but  he  "  escaped  being  a  poet,"  as  for 
tunately  as  he  had  escaped  being  a  clergyman. 
James  Franklin  seems  to  have  trained  his  junior 
with  such  fraternal  cuffs  and  abuse  as  the  elder 


EARLY   TEARS.  5 

brothers  of  English  biography  and  literature  ap 
pear  usually  to  have  bestowed  on  the  younger. 
But  this  younger  one  got  his  revenges.  James  pub 
lished  the  "  New  England  Courant,"  and,  inserting 
in  it  some  objectionable  matter,  was  forbidden  to 
continue  it.  Thereupon  he  canceled  the  indenture 
of  apprenticeship,  and  the  newspaper  was  thereaf 
ter  published  by  Benjamin  Franklin.  A  secret  re 
newal  of  the  indenture  was  executed  simultaneously. 
This  "  flimsy  scheme "  gave  the  boy  his  chance. 
Secure  that  the  document  would  never  be  produced, 
he  resolved  to  leave  the  printing-house.  But  the 
influence  of  James  prevented  his  getting  employ 
ment  elsewhere  in  the  town.  Besides  this,  other 
matters  also  harassed  him.  It  gives  an  idea  of  the 
scale  of  things  in  the  little  settlement,  and  of  the 
serious  way  in  which  life  was  taken  even  at  its  out 
set,  to  hear  that  this  'prentice  lad  of  seventeen 
years  had  already  made  himself  "  a  little  obnoxious 
to  the  governing  party,"  so  as  to  fear  that  he  might 
soon  "  bring  himself  into  scrapes."  For  the  inher 
ited  habit  of  freedom  in  religious  speculation  had 
taken  a  new  form  in  Franklin,  who  was  already  a 
free-thinker,  and  by  his  "  indiscreet  disputations 
about  religion  "  had  come  to  be  "  pointed  at  with 
horror  by  good  people  as  an  infidel  and  atheist "  — 
compromising,  even  perilous,  names  to  bear  in  that 
Puritan  village.  Various  motives  thus  combined 
to  induce  migration.  He  stole  away  on  board  a 
sloop  bound  for  New  York,  and  after  three  days 
arrived  there,  in  October,  1723.  He  had  but  a 


6  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

trifling  sum  of  money,  and  he  knew  no  one  in  the 
strange  city.  He  sought  occupation  in  his  trade, 
but  got  nothing  better  than  advice  to  move  on  to 
Philadelphia ;  and  thither  he  went.  The  story  of 
this  journeying  is  delightfully  told  in  the  autobi 
ography,  with  the  famous  little  scene  wherein  he 
figures  with  a  loaf  under  each  arm  and  munch 
ing  a  third  while  he  walks  "  up  Market  Street,  as 
far  as  Fourth  Street,  passing  by  the  door  of  Mr. 
Eead,  my  future  wife's  father;  when  she,  stand 
ing  at  the  door,  saw  me,  and  thought  I  made,  as 
I  certainly  did,  a  most  awkward,  ridiculous  appear 
ance." 

In  Philadelphia  Franklin  soon  found  opportunity 
to  earn  a  living  at  his  trade.  There  were  then  only 
two  printers  in  that  town,  ignorant  men  both,  with 
scant  capacity  in  the  technique  of  their  calling. 
His  greater  acquirements  and  ability,  and  superior 
knowledge  of  the  craft,  soon  attracted  attention. 
One  day  Sir  William  Keith,  governor  of  the  Prov 
ince,  appeared  at  the  printing-office,  inquired  for 
Franklin,  and  carried  him  off  "  to  taste  some  ex 
cellent  Madeira  "  with  himself  and  Colonel  French, 
while  employer  Keimer,  bewildered  at  the  compli 
ment  to  his  journeyman,  "  star'd  like  a  pig  poi- 
son'd."  Over  the  genial  glasses  the  governor  pro 
posed  that  Franklin  should  set  up  for  himself,  and 
promised  his  own  influence  to  secure  for  him  the 
public  printing.  Later  he  wrote  a  letter,  intended 
to  induce  Franklin's  father  to  advance  the  necessary 
funds.  Equipped  with  this  document,  Franklin 


EARLY   TEARS.  1 

set  out,  in  April,  1724,  to  seek  his  father's  coopera 
tion,  and  surprised  his  family  by  appearing  unan 
nounced  among  them,  not  at  all  in  the  classic  garb 
of  the  prodigal  son,  but "  having  a  genteel  new  suit 
from  head  to  foot,  a  watch,  and  my  pockets  lin'd 
with  near  five  pounds  sterling  in  silver."  But 
neither  his  prosperous  appearance  nor  the  flattering 
epistle  of  the  great  man  could  induce  his  hard- 
headed  parent  to  favor  a  scheme  "  of  setting  a  boy 
up  in  business,  who  wanted  yet  three  years  of  being 
at  man's  estate."  The  independent  old  tallow- 
chandler  only  concluded  that  the  distinguished 
baronet  "  must  be  of  small  discretion."  So  Frank 
lin  returned  with  "  some  small  gifts  as  tokens  "  of 
parental  love,  much  good  advice  as  to  "  steady  in 
dustry  and  prudent  parsimony,"  but  no  cash  in 
hand.  The  gallant  governor,  however,  said :  "  Since 
he  will  not  set  you  up,  I  will  do  it  myself,"  and  a 
plan  was  soon  concocted  whereby  Franklin  was  to 
go  to  England  and  purchase  a  press  and  types  with 
funds  to  be  advanced  by  Sir  William.  Everything 
was  arranged,  only  from  day  to  day  there  was  delay 
in  the  actual  delivery  to  Franklin  of  the  letters  of 
introduction  and  credit.  The  governor  was  a  very 
busy  man.  The  day  of  sailing  came,  but  the  docu 
ments  had  not  come,  only  a  message  from  the  gov 
ernor  that  Franklin  might  feel  easy  at  embarking, 
for  that  the  papers  should  be  sent  on  board 
at  Newcastle,  down  the  stream.  Accordingly,  at 
the  last  moment,  a  messenger  came  hurriedly  on 
board  and  put  the  packet  into  the  captain's  hands. 


8  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Afterward,  when  during  the  leisure  hours  of  the 
voyage  the  letters  were  sorted,  none  was  found  for 
Franklin.  His  patron  had  simply  broken  an  in 
convenient  promise.  It  was  indeed  a  "pitiful 
trick "  to  "  impose  so  grossly  011  a  poor  innocent 
boy."  Yet  Franklin,  in  his  broad  tolerance  of  all 
that  is  bad  as  well  as  good  in  human  nature,  spoke 
with  good-tempered  indifference,  and  with  more  of 
charity  than  of  justice,  concerning  the  deceiver. 
"  It  was  a  habit  he  had  acquired.  He  wish'd  to 
please  everybody;  and,  having  little  to  give,  he 
gave  expectations.  He  was  otherwise  an  ingenious, 
sensible  man,  a  pretty  good  writer,  and  a  good  gov 
ernor  for  the  people.  .  .  .  Several  of  our  best  laws 
were  of  his  planning,  and  passed  during  his  ad 
ministration." 

None  the  less  it  turned  out  that  this  contemptible 
governor  did  Franklin  a  good  turn  in  sending  him 
to  London,  though  the  benefit  came  in  a  fashion 
not  anticipated  by  either.  For  Franklin,  not  yet 
much  wiser  than  the  generality  of  mankind,  had  to 
go  through  his  period  of  youthful  folly,  and  it  was 
good  fortune  for  him  that  the  worst  portion  of  this 
period  fell  within  the  eighteen  months  which  he 
passed  in  England.  Had  this  part  of  his  career 
been  run  in  Philadelphia  its  unsavory  aroma  might 
have  kept  him  long  in  ill  odor  among  his  fellow- 
townsmen,  then  little  tolerant  of  profligacy.  But 
the  "  errata  "  of  a  journeyman  printer  in  London 
were  quite  beyond  the  ken  of  provincial  gossips. 


EARLY    YEARS.  9 

He  easily  gained  employment  in  his  trade,  at  wages 
which  left  him  a  little  surplus  beyond  his  mainte 
nance.  This  surplus,  during  most  of  the  time,  he 
and  his  comrades  squandered  in  the  pleasures  of 
the  town.  Yet  in  one  matter  his  good  sense  showed 
itself,  for  he  kept  clear  of  drink  ;  indeed,  his  real 
nature  asserted  itself  even  at  this  time,  to  such  a 
degree  that  we  find  him  waging  a  temperance  cru 
sade  in  his  printing-house,  and  actually  weaning 
some  of  his  fellow  compositors  from  their  dearly 
loved  "beer."  One  of  these,  David  Hall,  afterward 
became  his  able  partner  in  the  printing  business  in 
Philadelphia.  Amid  much  bad  companionship  he 
fell  in  with  some  clever  men.  His  friend  James 
Ralph,  though  a  despicable,  bad  fellow,  had  brains 
and  some  education.  At  this  time,  too,  Franklin 
was  in  the  proselyting  stage  of  infidelity.  He  pub 
lished  "  A  Dissertation  on  Liberty  and  Necessity, 
Pleasure  and  Pain,"  and  the  pamphlet  got  him 
some  little  notoriety  among  the  free-thinkers  of 
London,  and  an  introduction  to  some  of  them,  but 
chiefly  of  the  class  who  love  to  sit  in  taverns  and 
blow  clouds  of  words.  Their  society  did  him  no 
good,  and  such  effervescence  was  better  blown  off 
in  London  than  in  Philadelphia. 

But  after  the  novelty  of  London  life  had  worn  off, 
it  ceased  to  be  to  Franklin's  taste.  He  began  to 
reform  somewhat,  to  retrench  and  lay  by  a  little 
money ;  and  after  eighteen  months  he  eagerly  seized 
an  opportunity  which  offered  for  returning  home. 


10  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

This  was  opened  to  him  by  a  Mr.  Denham,  a 
good  man  and  prosperous  merchant,  then  engaged 
in  England  in  purchasing  stock  for  his  store  in 
Philadelphia.  Franklin  was  to  be  his  managing 
and  confidential  clerk,  with  the  prospect  of  rapid 
advancement.  At  the  same  time  Sir  William 
Wyndham,  ex-Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  en 
deavored  to  persuade  Franklin  to  open  a  swimming 
school  in  London.  He  promised  very  aristocratic 
patronage ;  and  as  an  opening  for  money-getting 
this  plan  was  perhaps  the  better.  Franklin  almost 
closed  with  the  proposition.  He  seems,  however, 
to  have  had  a  little  touch  of  homesickness,  a  pre 
ference,  if  not  quite  a  yearning,  for  the  colonies, 
which  sufficed  to  turn  the  scale.  Such  was  his 
third  escape ;  he  might  have  passed  his  days  in  in 
structing  the  scions  of  British  nobility  in  the  art  of 
swimming !  He  arrived  at  home,  after  a  tedious 
voyage,  October  11,  1726.  But  almost  immedi 
ately  fortune  seemed  to  cross  him,  for  Mr.  Denham 
and  he  were  both  taken  suddenly  ill.  Denham 
died  ;  Franklin  narrowly  evaded  death,  and  fancied 
himself  somewhat  disappointed  at  his  recovery,  "  re 
gretting  in  some  degree  that  [hej  must  now  some 
time  or  other  have  all  that  disagreeable  work  to  go 
over  again."  He  seems  to  have  become  sufficiently 
interested  in  what  was  likely  to  follow  his  decease, 
in  this  world  at  least,  to  compose  an  epitaph  which 
has  become  world-renowned,  and  has  been  often 
imitated :  — 


EARLY   YEARS.  11 

THE    BODY 
OF 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN 
(LIKE  THE  COVER  OF  AN  OLD  BOOK, 

ITS   CONTENTS    TORN   OUT, 
AND   8TRIPT   OF   ITS    LETTERING   AND   GILDING,) 

LIES    HERE,    FOOD   FOR   WORMS, 

YET   THE    WORK   ITSELF   SHALL   NOT    BE    LOST, 

FOR   IT   WILL,   AS    HE    BELIEVED,    APPEAR    ONCE    MORE, 

IN    A    NEW 

AND    MORE    BEAUTIFUL   EDITION, 

CORRECTED    AND   AMENDED 

BY 

THE  AUTHOR. 

But  there  was  no  use  for  this  graveyard  literature ; 
Franklin  got  well,  and  recurred  again  to  his  proper 
trade.  Being  expert  with  the  composing-stick,  he 
was  readily  engaged  at  good  wages  by  his  old  em 
ployer,  Keimer.  Franklin,  however,  soon  suspected 
that  this  man's  purpose  was  only  to  use  him  tem 
porarily  for  instructing  some  green  hands,  and  for 
organizing  the  printing-office.  Naturally  a  quarrel 
soon  occurred.  But  Franklin  had  proved  his  capa 
city,  and  forthwith  the  father  of  one  Meredith,  a 
fellow-journeyman  under  Keimer,  advanced  suffi 
cient  money  to  set  up  the  two  as  partners  in  the 
printing  business.  Franklin  managed  the  office, 
showing  admirable  enterprise,  skill,  and  industry. 
Meredith  drank.  This  allotment  of  functions  soon 
produced  its  natural  result.  Two  friends  of  Frank 
lin  lent  him  what  capital  he  needed  ;  he  bought  out 
Meredith  and  had  the  whole  business  for  himself. 


12  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

His  zeal  increased ;  he  won  good  friends,  gave  gen- 
eral  satisfaction,  and  absorbed  all  the  best  business 
in  the  Province. 

At  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  partnership 
the  only  newspaper  of  Pennsylvania  was  published 
by  Bradford,  a  rival  of  Keimer  in  the  printing  busi 
ness.  It  was  "a  paltry  thing,  wretchedly  man 
aged,  no  way  entertaining,  and  yet  was  profitable 
to  him."  Franklin  and  Meredith  resolved  to  start 
a  competing  sheet ;  but  Keimer  got  wind  of  their 
plan,  and  at  once  "  published  proposals  for  printing 
one  himself."  He  had  got  ahead  of  them,  and  they 
had  to  desist.  But  he  was  ignorant,  shiftless,  and 
incompetent,  and  after  carrying  on  his  enterprise 
for  "  three  quarters  of  a  year,  with  at  most  only 
ninety  subscribers,"  he  sold  out  his  failure  to  Frank 
lin  and  Meredith  "for  a  trifle."  To  them,  or 
rather  to  Franklin,  "  it  prov'd  in  a  few  years  ex 
tremely  profitable."  Its  original  name,  "  The 
Universal  Instructor  in  all  Arts  and  Sciences,  and 
Pennsylvania  Gazette  "  was  reduced  by  the  ampu 
tation  of  the  first  clause,  and,  relieved  from  the 
burden  of  its  trailing  title,  it  circulated  actively 
throughout  the  Province,  and  further.  Number 
40,  Franklin's  first  number,  appeared  October  2, 
1729.  Bradford,  who  was  postmaster,  refused  to 
allow  his  post-riders  to  carry  any  save  his  own 
newspaper.  But  Franklin,  whose  morality  was 
nothing  if  not  practical,  fought  the  devil  with 
fire,  and  bribed  the  riders  so  judiciously  that  his 
newspaper  penetrated  whithersoever  they  went. 


EARLY   YEARS.  13 

He  says  of  it :  "  Our  first  papers  made  a  quite  dif 
ferent  appearance  from  any  before  in  the  Province ; 
a  better  type,  and  better  printed  ;  but  some  spirited 
remarks  of  my  writing,  on  the  dispute  then  going 
on  between  Governor  Burnet  and  the  Massachu 
setts  Assembly,  struck  the  principal  people,  occa 
sioned  the  paper  and  the  manager  of  it  to  be  much 
talked  of,  and  in  a  few  weeks  brought  them  all  to 
be  our  subscribers."  Later  his  articles  in  favor  of 
the  issue  of  a  sum  of  paper  currency  were  so  largely 
instrumental  in  carrying  that  measure  that  the 
profitable  job  of  printing  the  money  became  his 
reward.  Thus  advancing  in  prestige  and  prosper 
ity,  he  was  able  to  discharge  by  installments  his  in 
debtedness.  "  In  order  to  secure,"  he  says,  "  my 
credit  and  character  as  a  tradesman,  I  took  care  to 
be  not  only  in  reality  industrious  and  frugal,  but  to 
avoid  all  appearances  to  the  contrary."  A  charac 
teristic  remark.  With  Franklin  every  virtue  had 
its  market  value,  and  to  neglect  to  get  that  value 
out  of  it  was  the  part  of  folly. 

About  this  time  the  wife  of  a  glazier,  who  occu 
pied  part  of  Franklin's  house,  began  match-making 
in  behalf  of  a  "  very  deserving  "  girl ;  and  Franklin, 
nothing  loath,  responded  with  "  serious  courtship." 
He  intimated  his  willingness  to  accept  the  maiden's 
hand,  provided  that  its  fellow  hand  held  a  dowry, 
and  he  named  an  hundred  pounds  sterling  as  his 
lowest  figure.  The  parents,  on  the  other  part,  said 
that  they  had  not  so  much  ready  money.  Franklin 
civilly  suggested  that  they  could  get  it  by  mortgag- 


14  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

ing  their  house  ;  they  firmly  declined.  The  nego 
tiation  thereupon  was  abandoned.  "  This  affair," 
Franklin  continues,  "  having  turned  my  thoughts 
to  marriage,  I  look'd  round  me  and  made  overtures 
of  acquaintance  in  other  places ;  but  soon  found 
that,  the  business  of  a  printer  being  generally 
thought  a  poor  one,  I  was  not  to  expect  money  with 
a  wife,  unless  with  such  a  one  as  I  should  not 
otherwise  think  agreeable."  Finding  such  difficul 
ties  in  the  way  of  a  financial  alliance,  Franklin 
appears  to  have  bethought  him  of  affection  as  a 
substitute  for  dollars ;  so  he  blew  into  the  ashes  of 
an  old  flame,  and  aroused  some  heat.  Before  going 
to  England  he  had  engaged  himself  to  Miss  Deb 
orah  Read  ;  but  in  London  he  had  pretty  well  for 
gotten  her,  and  had  written  to  her  only  a  single 
letter.  Many  years  afterward,  writing  to  Catharine 
Ray  in  1755,  he  said  :  "  The  cords  of  love  and 
friendship  ....  in  times  past  have  drawn  me  .  .  . 
back  from  England  to  Philadelphia."  If  the  re 
mark  referred  to  an  affection  for  Miss  Read,  it  was 
probably  no  more  trustworthy  than  are  most  such 
allegations  made  when  lapsing  years  have  given 
a  fictitious  coloring  to  a  remote  past.  If  indeed 
Franklin's  profligacy  and  his  readiness  to  marry 
any  girl  financially  eligible  were  symptoms  attend 
ant  upon  his  being  in  love,  it  somewhat  taxes  the 
imagination  to  fancy  how  he  would  have  conducted 
himself  had  he  not  been  the  victim  of  romantic 
passion.  Miss  Read,  meanwhile,  apparently  about 
as  much  in  love  as  her  lover,  had  wedded  another 


EARLY     YEARS.  15 

man,  "  one  Rogers,  a  potter,"  a  good  workman  but 
worthless  fellow,  who   soon   took   flight   from  his 
bride  and   his  creditors.     Her  position  had  since 
become   somewhat  questionable ;    for  there  was  a 
story  that  her  husband  had   an  earlier  wife  living, 
in  which  case  of  course  her  marriage  with  him  was 
null.     There  was  also  a  story  that  he  was  dead. 
But  there  was  little  evidence  of  the  truth  of  either 
tale.     Franklin,  therefore,  hardly  knew  what  he 
was  wedding,  a  maid,  a  widow,  or  another  man's 
wife.     Moreover  the  runaway  husband  "  had  left 
many  debts,  which  his  successor  might  be  call'd 
upon  to  pay."    Few  men,  even  if  warmly  enamored, 
would  have  entered  into  the  matrimonial  contract 
under  circumstances  so  discouraging;  and  there  are 
no  indications  save  the  marriage  itself  that  Frank 
lin  was  deeply  in  love.     Yet  on  September  1, 1730, 
the  pair  were  wedded.     Mrs.  Franklin  survived  for 
forty  years  thereafter,  and  neither  seems  ever  to 
have  regretted  the  step.     "  None  of  the  inconven 
iences  happened  that  we  had  apprehended,"  wrote 
Franklin ;  "  she  proved  a  good  and  faithful  help 
mate  ;  assisted  me  much  by  attending  the  shop ;  we 
throve  together,  and  have  ever  mutually  endeavored 
to  make  each  other  happy."     A  sensible,  comfort 
able,  satisfactory  union  it  was,  showing  how  much 
better  is  sense  than  sensibility  as  an  ingredient  in 
matrimony.    Mrs.  Franklin  was  a  handsome  woman, 
of  comely  figure,  yet  nevertheless  an  industrious 
and  frugal  one  ;  later  on  in  life  Franklin  boasted 
that  he  had  "  been  clothed  from  head  to  foot  in 


16  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

linen  of  [his]  wife's  manufacture."  An  early  contri 
bution  of  his  own  to  the  domestic  menage  was  his 
illegitimate  son,  William,  born  soon  after  his  wed 
ding,  of  a  mother  of  whom  no  record  or  tradition 
remains.  It  was  an  unconventional  wedding  gift 
to  bring  home  to  a  bride ;  but  Mrs.  Franklin,  with 
a  breadth  and  liberality  of  mind  akin  to  her  hus 
band's,  readily  took  the  babe  not  only  to  her  home 
but  really  to  her  heart,  and  reared  him  as  if  he  had 
been  her  own  offspring.  Mr.  Parton  thinks  that 
Franklin  gave  this  excellent  wife  no  further  cause 
for  suspicion  or  jealousy. 


CHAPTER  II. 

A  CITIZEN   OF    PHILADELPHIA  :    CONCERNMENT    IN 
PUBLIC    AFFAIRS. 

So  has  ended  the  first  stage,  in  the  benign  pres 
ence  of  Hymen.  The  period  of  youth  may  be  re 
garded  as  over ;  but  the  narrative  thereof,  briefly  as 
it  has  been  given,  is  not  satisfactory.  One  longs  to 
help  out  the  outline  with  color,  to  get  the  expres 
sion  as  well  as  merely  the  features  of  the  young 
man  who  is  going  to  become  one  of  the  greatest 
men  of  the  nation.  Many  a  writer  and  speaker 
has  done  what  he  could  in  this  task,  for  Franklin 
has  been  for  a  century  a  chief  idol  of  the  American 
people.  The  Boston  boy,  the  boy  printer,  the  run 
away  apprentice,  the  young  journeyman,  friend 
less  and  penniless  in  distant  London,  are  pictures 
which  have  been  made  familiar  to  many  genera 
tions  of  schoolboys ;  and  the  trifling  anecdote  of 
the  bread  rolls  eaten  in  the  streets  of  Philadelphia 
has  for  its  only  rival  among  American  historical 
traditions  the  more  doubtful  story  about  George 
Washington,  the  cherry-tree,  and  the  little  hatchet. 

Yet,  if  plain  truth  is  to  be  told,  there  was  noth 
ing  unusual  about  this  sunrise,  no  rare  tints  of 
divine  augury ;  the  luminary  came  up  in  every-day 


18  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

fashion.  Franklin  had  done  much  reading  ;  he  had 
taken  pains  to  cultivate  a  good  style  in  writing  Eng 
lish  ;  he  had  practiced  himself  in  dispute ;  he  had 
adopted  some  odd  notions,  for  example  vegetarian 
ism  in  diet ;  he  had  at  times  acquired  some  influ 
ence  among  his  fellow-journeymen,  and  had  used  it 
for  good  ;  he  had  occasionally  fallen  into  the  society 
of  men  of  good  social  position ,  he  had  kept  clear 
of  the  prevalent  habit  of  excessive  drinking ;  some 
times  he  had  lived  frugally  and  had  laid  up  a  little 
money  ;  more  often  he  had  been  wasteful ;  he  had 
been  very  dissolute,  and  in  sowing  his  wild  oats  he 
had  gone  down  into  the  mud.  His  autobiography 
gives  us  a  simple,  vivid,  strong  picture,  which  we 
accept  as  correct,  though  in  reading  it  one  sees  that 
the  lapse  of  time  since  the  occurrences  narrated,  to 
gether  with  his  own  success  and  distinction  in  life, 
have  not  been  without  their  obvious  effect.  By  the 
time  he  thought  it  worth  while  to  write  those  pages, 
Franklin  had  been  taught  to  think  very  well  of 
himself  and  his  career.  For  this  reason  he  was, 
upon  the  one  hand,  somewhat  indifferent  as  to  set 
ting  down  what  smaller  men  would  conceal,  confi 
dent  that  his  fame  would  not  stagger  beneath  the 
burden  of  youthful  wrong -doing;  on  the  other 
hand,  he  deals  rather  gently,  a  little  ideally,  with 
himself,  as  old  men  are  wont  to  acknowledge  with 
condemnation  tempered  with  mild  forgiveness  the 
foibles  of  their  early  days.  It  is  evident  that,  as 
a  young  man,  Franklin  intermingled  sense  with 
folly,  correct  living  with  dissipation,  in  a  manner 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  19 

that  must  have  made  it  difficult  for  an  observer 
to  forecast  the  final  outcome,  and  which  makes  it 
almost  equally  impossible  now  to  form  a  satisfac 
tory  idea  of  him.  He  is  not  to  be  disposed  of  by 
placing  him  in  any  ready-made  and  familiar  class. 
If  he  had  turned  out  a  bad  man,  there  would  have 
been  abundance  in  his  early  life  to  point  the  moral 
ist's  warning  tale  ;  as  he  turned  out  a  very  repu 
table  one,  there  is  scarcely  less  abundance  for 
panegyrists  to  expatiate  upon.  Certainly  he  was 
a  man  to  attract  some  attention  and  to  carry  some 
weight,  yet  not  more  than  many  another  of  whom 
the  world  never  hears.  At  the  time  of  his  mar 
riage,  however,  he  is  upon  the  verge  of  develop 
ment  ;  a  new  period  of  his  life  is  about  to  begin  ; 
what  had  been  dangerous  and  evil  in  his  ways  dis 
appears  ;  the  breadth,  originality,  and  practical 
character  of  his  mind  are  about  to  show  them 
selves.  He  has  settled  to  a  steady  occupation  ;  he 
is  industrious  and  thrifty ;  he  has  gathered  much 
information,  and  may  be  regarded  as  a  well-edu 
cated  man ;  he  writes  a  plain,  forcible  style  ;  he 
has  enterprise  and  shrewdness  in  matters  of  busi 
ness,  and  good  sense  in  all  matters,  —  that  is  the 
chief  point,  his  sound  sense  has  got  its  full  growth 
and  vigor,  and  of  sound  sense  no  man  ever  had 
more.  Very  soon  he  not  only  prospers  financially, 
but  begins  to  secure  at  first  that  attention  and  soon 
afterward  that  influence  which  always  follow  close 
upon  success  in  practical  affairs.  He  becomes  the 
public-spirited  citizen  ;  scheme  after  scheme  of  so* 


20  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

cial  and  public  improvement  is  suggested  and  car 
ried  forward  by  him,  until  he  justly  comes  to  be 
one  of  the  foremost  citizens  of  Philadelphia.  The 
enumeration  of  what  he  did  within  a  few  years  in 
this  small  new  town  and  poor  community  will  be 
found  surprising  and  admirable. 
Y  His  first  enterprise,  of  a  quasi  public  nature,  was 
the  establishment  of  a  library.  There  were  to  be 
fifty  subscribers  for  fifty  years,  each  paying  an  en 
trance  fee  of  forty  shillings  and  an  annual  due  of 
ten  shillings.  He  succeeded  only  with  difficulty 
and  delay,  yet  he  did  succeed,  and  the  results  were 
important.  Later  a  charter  was  obtained,  and  the 
number  of  subscribers  was  doubled.  "  This,"  he 
says,  "  was  the  mother  of  all  the  North  American 
subscription  libraries,  now  so  numerous.  .  .  .  These 
libraries  have  improved  the  general  conversation  of 
the  Americans,  made  the  common  traders  and  farm 
ers  as  intelligent  as  most  gentlemen  from  other 
countries,  and  perhaps  have  contributed  in  some 
degree  to  the  stand  so  generally  made  throughout 
the  colonies  in  defence  of  their  privileges." 
"  Reading  became  fashionable,"  he  adds.  But  it 
was  not  difficult  to  cultivate  the  desire  for  reading  ; 
that  lay  close  to  the  surface.  The  boon  which 
Franklin  conferred  lay  rather  in  setting  the  ex 
ample  of  a  scheme  by  which  books  could  be  cheaply 
obtained  in  satisfactory  abundance. 

From  the  course  of  this  business  he  drew  one  of 
those  shrewd,  practical  conclusions  which  aided 
him  so  much  in  life.  He  says  that  he  soon  felt 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  21 

"  the  impropriety  of  presenting  one's  self  as  the 
proposer  of  any  useful  project  that  might  be  sup 
posed  to  raise  one's  reputation  in  the  smallest  de 
gree  above  that  of  one's  neighbors,  when  one  has 
need  of  their  assistance  to  accomplish  that  project. 
I  therefore  put  myself  as  much  as  I  could  out  of 
sight,  and  stated  it  as  a  scheme  of  a  number  of 
friends,  who  had  requested  me  to  go  about  and 
propose  it."  This  method  he  found  so  well  suited 
to  the  production  of  results  that  he  habitually  fol 
lowed  it  in  his  subsequent  undertakings.  It  was 
sound  policy  ;  the  self-abnegation  helped  success  ; 
the  success  secured  personal  prestige.  It  was  soon 
observed  that  when  "  a  number  of  friends  "  or  "  a 
few  gentlemen "  were  represented  by  Franklin, 
their  purpose  was  usually  good  and  was  pretty  sure 
to  be  carried  through.  Hence  came  reputation  and 
influence. 

In  December,  1732,  he  says,  "  I  first  published 
my  Almanack,  under  the  name  of  Richard  Saun- 
ders"  price  five  pence,  thereby  falling  in  with  a 
common  custom  among  the  colonial  printers. 
Within  the  month  three  editions  were  sold  ;  and  it 
was  continued  for  twenty-five  years  thereafter  with 
an  average  sale  of  10,000  copies  annually,  until 
"  Poor  Richard "  became  a  nom  de  plume  as  re 
nowned  as  any  in  English  literature.  The  publi 
cation  ranks  as  one  of  the  most  influential  in  the 
world.  Its  "proverbial  sentences,  chiefly  such  as 
inculcated  industry  and  frugality  as  the  means  of 
procuring  wealth  and  thereby  securing  virtue," 


22  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

were  sown  like  seed  all  over  the  land.  The  al 
manac  went  year  after  year,  for  quarter  of  a  cen 
tury,  into  the  house  of  nearly  every  shopkeeper, 
planter,  and  farmer  in  the  American  provinces. 
Its  wit  and  humor,  its  practical  tone,  its  shrewd 
maxims,  its  worldly  honesty,  its  morality  of  com 
mon  sense,  its  useful  information,  all  chimed  well 
with  the  national  character.  It  formulated  in 
homely  phrase  and  with  droll  illustration  what  the 
colonists  more  vaguely  knew,  felt,  and  believed 
upon  a  thousand  points  of  life  and  conduct.  In  so 
doing  it  greatly  trained  and  invigorated  the  natural 
mental  traits  of  the  people.  "  Poor  Richard  "  was 
the  revered  and  popular  schoolmaster  of  a  young 
nation  during  its  period  of  tutelage.  His  teach 
ings  are  among  the  powerful  forces  which  have 
gone  to  shaping  the  habits  of  Americans.  His 
terse  and  picturesque  bits  of  the  wisdom  and  the 
virtue  of  this  world  are  familiar  in  our  mouths  to 
day  ;  they  moulded  our  great  -  grandparents  and 
their  children ;  they  have  informed  our  popular 
traditions  ;  they  still  influence  our  actions,  guide 
our  ways  of  thinking,  and  establish  our  points  of 
view,  with  the  constant  control  of  acquired  habits 
which  we  little  suspect.  If  we  were  accustomed 
still  to  read  the  literature  of  the  almanac,  we  should 
be  charmed  with  its  humor.  The  world  has  not 
yet  grown  away  from  it,  nor  ever  will.  Addison 
and  Steele  had  more  polish  but  vastly  less  humor 
than  Franklin.  "  Poor  Richard  "  has  found  eter 
nal  life  by  passing  into  the  daily  speech  of  the  peo- 


A    CITIZEN    OF  PHILADELPHIA.  23 

pie,  while  the  "  Spectator "  is  fast  being  crowded 
out  of  the  hands  of  all  save  scholars  in  literature. 
At  this  period  of  his  life  he  wrote  many  short  fugi 
tive  pieces,  which  hold  some  of  the  rarest  wit  that 
an  American  library  contains.  Few  people  sus 
pect  that  the  ten  serious  and  grave-looking  octavos, 
imprinted  "  The  Works  of  Benjamin  Franklin," 
hide  much  of  that  delightful  kind  of  wit  that  can 
never  grow  old,  but  is  as  charming  to-day  as  when 
it  came  damp  from  the  press  a  century  and  more 
ago.  How  much  of  "  Poor  Richard  "  was  actually 
original  is  a  sifting  not  worth  while  to  make. 
Franklin  said :  "  I  was  conscious  that  not  a  tenth 
part  of  the  wisdom  was  my  own  which  he  ascribed 
to  me,  but  rather  the  gleanings  that  I  had  made  of 
the  sense  of  all  ages  and  nations."  No  profound 
wisdom  is  really  new,  but  only  the  expression  of 
it ;  and  all  that  of  u  Poor  Richard  "  had  been  fused 
in  the  crucible  of  Franklin's  brain. 

But  the  famous  almanac  was  not  the  only  pulpit 
whence  Franklin  preached  to  the  people.  He  had 
an  excellent  ideal  of  a  newspaper.  He  got  news 
into  it,  which  was  seldom  done  in  those  days,  and 
which  made  it  attractive ;  he  got  advertisements 
into  it,  which  made  it  pay,  and  which  also  was  a 
novel  feature ;  indeed,  Mr.  Parton  says  that  he 
"  originated  the  modern  system  of  business  advertis 
ing  ;  "  he  also  discussed  matters  of  public  interest. 
Thus  he  anticipated  the  modern  newspaper,  but  in 
some  respects  improved  in  advance  upon  that  which 
he  anticipated.  He  made  his  "  Gazette  "  a  vehicle 


24  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

for  disseminating  information  and  morality,  and  he 
carefully  excluded  from  it  "  all  libeling  and  per 
sonal  abuse."  The  sheet  in  its  every  issue  was 
doing  the  same  sort  of  work  as  "  Poor  Richard." 
In  a  word,  Franklin  was  a  born  teacher  of  men, 
and  what  he  did  in  this  way  in  these  his  earlier 
days  gives  him  rank  among  the  most  distinguished 
moralists  who  have  ever  lived. 

What  kind  of  morality  he  taught  is  well  known. 
It  was  human ;  he  kept  it  free  from  entangling 
alliances  with  any  religious  creed ;  its  foundations 
lay  in  common  sense,  not  in  faith.  His  own  na 
ture  in  this  respect  is  easy  to  understand  but  dif 
ficult  to  describe,  since  the  words  which  must  be 
used  convey  such  different  ideas  to  different  per 
sons.  Thus,  to  say  that  he  had  the  religious  tem 
perament,  though  he  was  skeptical  as  to  all  the 
divine  and  supernatural  dogmas  of  the  religions  of 
mankind,  will  seem  to  many  a  self-contradiction, 
while  to  others  it  is  entirely  intelligible.  In  his 
boyhood  one  gets  a  flavor  of  irreverence  which  was 
slow  in  disappearing.  When  yet  a  mere  child  he 
suggested  to  his  father  the  convenience  of  saying 
grace  over  the  whole  barrel  of  salt  fish,  in  bulk,  as 
the  mercantile  phrase  would  be.  By  the  time  that 
he  was  sixteen,  Shaftesbury  and  Collins,  efficiently 
aided  by  the  pious  writers  who  had  endeavored  to 
refute  them,  had  made  him  "  a  real  doubter  in  many 
points  of  our  religious  doctrine  ;  "  and  while  he  was 
still  his  brother's  apprentice  in  Boston,  he  fell  into 
disrepute  as  a  skeptic.  Apparently  he  gathered 


A   CITIZEN   OF  PHILADELPHIA.  25 

momentum  in  moving  along  this  line  of  thought, 
until  in  England  his  disbelief  took  on  for  a  time 
an  extreme  and  objectionable  form.  His  opinions 
then  were  "  that  nothing  could  possibly  be  wrong 
in  the  world  ;  and  that  vice  and  virtue  were  empty 
distinctions,  no  such  things  existing."  But  the 
pamphlet,  already  mentioned,  in  which  he  expressed 
these  views,  was  the  outburst  of  a  youthful  free 
thinker  not  yet  accustomed  to  his  new  ideas  ;  not 
many  years  passed  over  his  head  before  it  "  appear'd 
not  so  clever  a  performance  as  [he]  once  thought 
it;"  and  in  his  autobiography  he  enumerates  it 
among  the  "  errata  "  of  his  life. 

It  was  not  so  very  long  afterward  that  he  busied 
himself  in  composing  prayers,  and  even  an  entire 
litany,  for  his  own  use.  No  Christian  could  have 
found  fault  with  the  morals  therein  embodied ;  but 
Christ  was  entirely  ignored.  He  even  had  the 
courage  to  draw  up  a  new  version  of  the  Lord's 
Prayer ;  and  he  arranged  a  code  of  thirteen  rules 
after  the  fashion  of  the  Ten  Commandments ;  of 
these  the  last  one  was :  "  Imitate  Jesus  and  So 
crates."  Except  during  a  short  time  just  preced 
ing  and  during  his  stay  in  London  he  seems  never 
to  have  been  an  atheist ;  neither  was  he  ever  quite 
a  Christian ;  but  as  between  atheism  and  Chris 
tianity  he  was  very  much  further  removed  from 
the  former  than  from  the  latter.  He  used  to  call 
himself  a  deist,  or  theist ;  and  said  that  a  deist 
was  as  much  like  an  atheist  as  chalk  is  like  char 
coal.  The  evidence  is  abundant  that  he  settled 


26  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

down  into  a  belief  in  a  personal  God,  who  was 
good,  who  concerned  himself  with  the  affairs  of 
men,  who  was  pleased  with  good  acts  and  dis 
pleased  with  evil  ones.  He  believed  also  in  im 
mortality  and  in  rewards  in  a  life  to  come.  But 
he  supported  none  of  these  beliefs  upon  the  same 
basis  on  which  Christians  support  them. 

Unlike  the  infidel  school  of  that  day  he  had  no 
antipathy  even  to  the  mythological  portions  of  the 
Christian  religion,  no  desire  to  discredit  it,  nor 
ambition  to  distinguish  himself  in  a  crusade  against 
it.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  always  resolute  to  live 
well  with  it.  His  mind  was  too  broad,  his  habit  of 
thought  too  tolerant,  to  admit  of  his  antagonizing 
so  good  a  system  of  morals  because  it  was  inter 
twined  with  articles  of  faith  which  he  did  not  be 
lieve.  He  went  to  church  frequently,  and  always 
paid  his  contribution  towards  the  expenses  of  the 
society ;  but  he  kept  his  commendation  only  for 
those  practical  sermons  which  showed  men  how  to 
become  virtuous.  In  like  manner  the  instruction 
which  he  himself  inculcated  was  strictly  confined 
to  those  virtues  which  promote  the  welfare  and 
happiness  of  the  individual  and  of  society.  In  fact 
he  recognized  none  other ;  that  which  did  not  ad 
vance  these  ends  was  but  a  spurious  pretender  to 
the  title  of  virtue. 

One  is  tempted  to  make  many  quotations  from 
Franklin's  writings  in  this  connection ;  but  two 
or  three  must  suffice.  In  1743  he  wrote  to  his 
sister :  — 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  27 

"  There  are  some  things  in  your  New  England  doc 
trine  and  worship  which  I  do  not  agree  with ;  but  I  do 
not  therefore  condemn  them,  or  desire  to  shake  your 
belief  or  practice  of  them.  We  may  dislike  things  that 
are  nevertheless  right  in  themselves.  I  would  only  have 
you  make  me  the  same  allowance,  and  have  a  better 
opinion  both  of  morality  and  your  brother." 

In  1756  he  wrote  to  a  friend :  — 

"  He  that  for  giving  a  draught  of  water  to  a  thirsty 
person  should  expect  to  be  paid  with  a  good  plantation, 
would  be  modest  in  his  demands  compared  with  those 
who  think  they  deserve  Heaven  for  the  little  good  they 
do  on  earth.  .  .  .  For  my  own  part,  I  have  not  the  vanity 
to  think  I  deserve  it,  the  folly  to  expect  it,  nor  the  am 
bition  to  desire  it ;  but  content  myself  in  submitting  to 
the  will  and  disposal  of  that  God  who  made  me,  who 
hitherto  has  preserved  and  blessed  me,  and  in  whose 
fatherly  goodness  I  may  well  confide.  .  .  . 

"  The  faith  you  mention  has  doubtless  its  use  in  the 
world ;  I  do  not  desire  it  to  be  diminished,  nor  would  I 
endeavor  to  lessen  it  in  any  man.  But  I  wish  it  were 
more  productive  of  good  works  than  I  have  generally 
seen  it.  I  mean  real  good  works,  —  works  of  kindness, 
charity,  mercy,  and  public  spirit ;  not  holiday-keeping, 
sermon-reading  or  hearing,  performing  church  ceremo 
nies,  or  making  long  prayers,  filled  with  flatteries  and 
compliments  despised  even  by  wise  men  and  much  less 
capable  of  pleasing  the  Deity.  The  worship  of  God  is 
a  duty,  the  hearing  and  reading  of  sermons  may  be  use 
ful  ;  but  if  men  rest  in  hearing  and  praying,  as  too  many 
do,  it  is  as  if  a  tree  should  value  itself  in  being  watered 
and  putting  forth  leaves,  tho'  it  never  produced  any 
fruit." 


28  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Throughout  his  life  he  may  be  said  to  have  very 
slowly  moved  nearer  and  nearer  to  the  Christian 
faith,  until  at  last  he  came  so  near  that  many  of 
those  somewhat  nondescript  persons  who  call  them 
selves  "  liberal  Christians  "  might  claim  him  as  one 
of  themselves.  But  if  a  belief  in  the  divinity  of 
Christ  is  necessary  to  make  a  "  Christian,"  it  does 
not  appear  that  Franklin  ever  fully  had  the  quali 
fication.  When  he  was  an  old  man,  in  1790,  Pres 
ident  Stiles*  of  Yale  College  took  the  freedom  of 
interrogating  him  as  to  his  religious  faith.  It  was 
the  first  time  that  any  one  had  ever  thus  ventured. 
His  reply  l  is  interesting  :  "  As  to  Jesus  of  Naza 
reth,"  he  says,  "I  think  his  system  of  morals  and 
his  religion,  as  he  left  them  to  us,  the  best  the 
world  ever  saw,  or  is  like  to  see."  But  he  thinks 
they  have  been  corrupted.  "  I  have,  with  most  of 
the  present  dissenters  in  England,  some  doubts  as 
to  his  divinity ;  though  it  is  a  question  I  do  not 
dogmatize  upon,  having  never  studied  it,  and  think 
it  needless  to  busy  myself  with  it  now,  when  I 
expect  soon  an  opportunity  of  knowing  the  truth 
with  less  trouble.  I  see  no  harm,  however,  in  its 
being  believed,  if  that  belief  has  the  good  conse 
quences,  as  probably  it  has,  of  making  his  doctrines 
more  respected  and  more  observed  ;  especially  as  I 
do  not  see  that  the  Supreme  takes  it  amiss  by  dis 
tinguishing  the  unbelievers  in  bis  government  of 
the  world  with  any  peculiar  marks  of  his  displeas 
ure."  His  God  was  substantially  the  God  of 
1  Works,  x.  192. 


A  CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  29 

Christianity;  but  concerning  Christ  he  was  gen 
erally  reticent  and  non-committal. 

Whatever  were  his  own  opinions,  which  un 
doubtedly  underwent  some  changes  during  his  life, 
as  is  the  case  with  most  of  us,  he  never  introduced 
Christianity,  as  a  faith,  into  any  of  his  moral  writ 
ings.  A  broad  human  creature,  with  a  marvelous 
knowledge  of  mankind,  with  a  tolerance  as  far- 
reaching  as  his  knowledge,  with  a  kindly  liking 
for  all  men  and  women ;  withal  a  prudent,  shrewd, 
cool-headed  observer  in  affairs,  he  was  content  to 
insist  that  goodness  and  wisdom  were  valuable,  as 
means,  towards  good  repute  and  well-being,  as  ends. 
He  urges  upon  his  nephew,  about  to  start  in  busi 
ness  as  a  goldsmith,  "perfect  honesty;'''  and  the 
reason  he  gives  for  his  emphasis  is,  that  the  busi 
ness  is  peculiarly  liable  to  suspicion,  and  if  a  man  is 
"  once  detected  in  the  smallest  fraud  ...  at  once 
he  is  ruined."  The  character  of  his  argument  was 
always  simple.  He  usually  began  with  some  such 
axiom  as  the  desirability  of  success  in  one's  enter 
prises,  or  of  health,  or  of  comfort,  or  of  ease  of 
mind,  or  a  sufficiency  of  money ;  and  then  he  showed 
that  some  virtue,  or  collection  of  virtues,  would  pro 
mote  this  result.  He  advocated  honesty  upon  the 
same  principle  upon  which  he  advocated  that  women 
should  learn  to  keep  accounts,  or  that  one  should 
hold  one's  self  in  the  background  in  the  presenta 
tion  of  an  enterprise  such  as  his  public  library ; 
that  is  to  say,  his  advocacy  of  a  cardinal  virtue,  of 
acquiring  a  piece  of  knowledge,  or  of  adopting  a 


30  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

certain  method  of  procedure  in  business,  ran  upon 
the  same  line,  namely,  the  practical  usefulness  of 
the  virtue,  the  knowledge,  or  the  method, for  in 
creasing  the  probability  of  a  practical  success  in 
worldly  affairs.  Among  the  articles  inculcating 
morality  which  he  used  to  put  into  his  newspaper 
was  a  Socratic  Dialogue,  "tending  to  prove  that 
whatever  might  be  his  parts  and  abilities,  a  vicious 
man  could  not  properly  be  called  a  man  of  sense." 
He  was  forever  at  this  business ;  it  was  his  nature 
to  teach,  to  preach,  to  moralize.  With  creeds  he 
had  no  concern,  but  took  it  as  his  function  in  life 
to  instruct  in  what  may  be  described  as  useful 
morals,  the  gospel  of  good  sense,  the  excellence  of 
common  humanity.  About  the  time  in  his  career 
which  we  have  now  reached  this  tendency  of  his 
had  an  interesting  development  in  its  relationship 
to  his  own  character.  He  "  conceiv'd  the  bold  and 
a,rduous  project  of  arriving  at  moral  perfection." 
It  is  impossible  to  recite  the  details  of  his  scheme, 
but  the  narration  constitutes  one  of  the  most  enter 
taining  and  characteristic  parts  of  the  autobiogra 
phy.  Such  a  plan  could  not  long  be  confined  in  its 
operation  to  himself  alone  ;  the  teacher  must  teach ; 
accordingly  he  designed  to  write  a  book,  to  be 
called  "  The  Art  of  Virtue,"  a  title  with  which  he 
was  greatly  pleased,  as  indicating  that  the  book  was 
to  show  "  the  means  and  manner  of  obtaining  vir 
tue  "  as  contradistinguished  from  the  "  mere  exhor 
tation  to  be  good,  that  does  not  instruct  or  indicate 
the  means."  A  receipt  book  for  virtues !  Practi- 


A  CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  31 

cal  instructions  for  acquiring  goodness  !  Nothing 
could  have  been  more  characteristic.  One  of  his 
Busy-Body  papers,  February  18,  1728,  begins  with 
the  statement  that :  "  It  is  said  that  the  Persians, 
in  their  ancient  constitution,  had  public  schools  in 
which  virtue  was  taught  as  a  liberal  art,  or  science ; " 
arid  he  goes  on  to  laud  the  plan  highly.  Perhaps 
this  was  the  origin  of  the  idea  which  subsequently 
became  such  a  favorite  with  him.  It  was  his 

"  design  to  explain  and  enforce  this  doctrine :  that 
vicious  actions  are  not  hurtful  because  they  are  forbid 
den,  but  forbidden  because  they  are  hurtful,  the  nature 
of  man  alone  considered ;  that  it  was  therefore  every 
one's  interest  to  be  virtuous  who  wished  to  be  happy 
even  in  this  world  ;  and  I  should  .  .  .  have  endeavored 
to  convince  young  persons  that  no  qualities  were  so 
likely  to  make  a  poor  man's  fortune  as  those  of  probity 
and  integrity." 

Long  years  afterward,  in  1760,  he  wrote  about 
it  to  Lord  Kames  :  — 

"  Many  people  lead  bad  lives  that  would  gladly  lead 
good  ones,  but  do  not  know  how  to  make  the  change.  .  .  . 
To  expect  people  to  be  good,  to  be  just,  to  be  temperate, 
etc.,  without  showing  them  how  they  should  become  so 
seems  like  the  ineffectual  charity  mentioned  by  the 
apostle,  which  consists  in  saying  to  the  hungry,  the  cold, 
and  the  naked,  '  Be  ye  fed,  be  ye  warmed,  be  ye  clothed,' 
without  showing  them  how  they  should  get  food,  fire,  or 
clothing. ....  To  acquire  those  [virtues]  that  are  want 
ing,  and  secure  what  we  acquire,  as  well  as  those  we 
have  naturally,  is  the  subject  of  an  art.  It  is  as  prop- 


32  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

erly  an  art  as  painting,  navigation,  or  architecture.  If  a 
man  would  become  a  painter,  navigator,  or  architect,  it 
is  not  enough  that  he  is  advised  to  be  one,  that  he  is 
convinced  by  the  arguments  of  his  adviser  that  it  would 
be  for  his  advantage  to  be  one,  and  that  he  resolves  to 
be  one ;  but  he  must  also  be  taught  the  principles  of  the 
art,  be  shown  all  the  methods  of  working,  and  how  to 
acquire  the  habit  of  using  properly  all  the  instruments. 
.  .  .  My  *  Art  of  Virtue '  has  also  its  instruments,  and 
teaches  the  manner  of  using  them." 

He  was  then  full  of  zeal  to  give  this  instruction. 
A  year  later  he  said:  "You  will  not  doubt  my 
being  serious  in  the  intention  of  finishing  my  "Art 
of  Virtue."  It  is  not  a  mere  ideal  work.  I  planned 
it  first  in  1732.  .  .  .The  materials  have  been  grow 
ing  ever  since.  The  form  only  is  now  to  be  given." 
He  even  says  that  "  experiments  "  had  been  made 
"  with  success ;  "  one  wonders  how ;  but  he  gives 
no  explanation.  Apparently  Franklin  never  defi 
nitely  abandoned  this  pet  design ;  one  catches 
glimpses  of  it  as  still  alive  in  his  mind,  until  it  seems 
to  fade  away  in  the  dim  obscurity  of  extreme  old  age. 
He  said  of  it  that  it  was  only  part  of  "  a  great  and 
extensive  project  that  required  the  whole  man  to 
execute,"  arid  his  countrymen  never  allowed  Frank 
lin  such  uninterrupted  possession  of  himself. 

A  matter  more  easy  of  accomplishment  was  the 
drawing  up  a  creed  which  he  thought  to  contain 
"  the  essentials  of  every  known  religion,"  and  to 
be  "  free  of  everything  that  might  shock  the  pro 
fessors  of  any  religion."  He  intended  that  this 


A  CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  33 

should  serve  as  the  basis  of  a  sect,  which  should 
practice  his  rules  for  self-improvement.  It  was  at 
first  to  consist  of  "  young  and  single  men  only," 
and  great  caution  was  to  be  exercised  in  the  admis 
sion  of  members.  The  association  was  to  be  called 
the  "  Society  of  the  Free  and  Easy  ;  "  "  free,  as 
being,  by  the  general  practice  and  habit  of  the 
virtues,  free  from  the  dominion  of  vice ;  and  par 
ticularly  by  the  practice  of  industry  and  frugality 
free  from  debt,  which  exposes  a  man  to  confine 
ment  and  a  species  of  slavery  to  his  creditors."  It 
is  hardly  surprising  to  hear  that  this  was  one  of  the 
very  few  failures  of  Franklin's  life.  In  1788  he 
professed  himself  "  still  of  the  opinion  that  it  was 
a  practicable  scheme."  One  hardly  reads  it  with 
out  a  smile  nowadays,  but  it  was  not  so  out  of  keep 
ing  with  the  spirit  and  habits  of  those  times.  It  in 
dicates  at  least  Franklin's  appreciation  of  the  power 
of  fellowship,  of  association.  No  man  knew  better 
than  he  what  stimulus  comes  from  the  sense  of 
membership  in  a  society,  especially  a  secret  society. 
He  had  a  great  fondness  for  organizing  men  into 
associations,  and  a  singular  aptitude  for  creating, 
conducting,  and  perpetuating  such  bodies.  The 
Junto,  a  child  of  his  active  brain,  became  a  power 
in  local  public  affairs,  though  organized  and  con 
ducted  strictly  as  a  "  club  of  mutual  improvement." 
He  formed  it  among  his  "  ingenious  acquaintance  " 
for  the  discussion  of  "queries  on  any  point  of 
morals,  politics,  or  natural  philosophy."  He  found 
his  model,  without  doubt,  in  the  "neighborhood 


34  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

benefit  societies,"  established  by  Cotton  Mather, 
during  Franklin's  boyhood,  among  the  Boston 
churches,  for  mutual  improvement  among  the  mem 
bers.1  In  time  there  came  a  great  pressure  for  an 
increase  of  the  number  of  members  ;  but  Franklin 
astutely  substituted  a  plan  whereby  each  member 
was  to  form  a  subordinate  club,  similar  to  the  orig 
inal,  but  having  no  knowledge  of  its  connection 
with  the  Junto.  Thus  sprang  into  being  five  or  six 
more,  "  The  Vine,  The  Union,  The  Band,  etc.," 
"  answering,  in  some  considerable  degree,  our  views 
of  influencing  the  public  opinion  upon  particular 
occasions."  When  Franklin  became  interested  in 
any  matter,  he  had  but  to  introduce  it  before  the 
Junto  for  discussion ;  straightway  each  member 
who  belonged  to  any  one  of  the  other  societies 
brought  it  up  in  that  society.  Thus  through  so 
many  active-minded  and  disputatious  young  men 
interest  in  the  subject  speedily  percolated  through 
a  community  of  no  greater  size  than  Philadelphia. 
Franklin  was  the  tap-root  of  the  whole  growth,  and 
sent  his  ideas  circulating  throughout  all  the  wide- 
spreading  branches.  He  tells  us  that  in  fact  he 
often  used  this  efficient  machinery  to  much  advan 
tage  in  carrying  through  his  public  and  quasi  pub 
lic  measures.  Thus  ho  anticipated  more  powerful 
mechanisms  of  the  like  kind,  such  as  the  Jacobin 
Club ;  and  he  himself,  under  encouraging  circum 
stances,  might  have  wielded  an  immense  power  as 
the  creator  and  occult,  inspiring  influence  of  some 
great  political  society. 

1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  i.  47. 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  35 

Besides  his  didactic  newspaper,  his  almanac  even 
more  didactic,  the  Junto,  the  subscription  library,  f 
|-fthe  Society  of  the  Free  and  Easy,  his  system  o£j 
religion   and  morals,  and  his  scheme  for  acquiring 
all  the  virtues,  Franklin  was  engaged  in  many  othe^ 
matters.    He  learned  French,  Italian,  and  Spanish  ^ 
and  in  so  doing  evolved  some  notions  which  are 
now  beginning  to  find  their  way  into  the  system  of 
teaching  languages  in  our  schools  and  colleges.     IpfT 
1736  he  was  chosen  clerk  to  the  General  Assembly, 
and   continued  to   be   reflected   during   the   next 
fourteen  years,  until  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the 
legislature  itself.     In  1737  he  was  appointed  post^  /u 
master  of  Philadelphia,  an  office  which  he  found 
"  of  great  advantage,  for,  tho'  the  salary  was  small, 
it  facilitated  the  correspondence  that  improv'd  my 
newspaper,  increased  the  number  demanded,  as  well 
as  the  advertisements  to  be  inserted,  so  that  it  came 
to  afford  me  a  considerable  income.     My  old  com 
petitor's  newspaper  declined  proportionably,  and  I 
was  satisfied  without  retaliating  his  refusal,  while 
postmaster,  to  permit  my  papers  being  carried  by 
the  riders." 

Soon  afterward  he  conferred  a  signal  benefit  on 
his  countrymen  by  inventing  an  "  open  stove  for 
the  better  warming  of  rooms,  and  at  the  same  time 
saving  fuel," —  the  Franklin  stove,  or,  as  he  called  it, 
"  the  Pennsylvania  fireplace."  Mr.  Parton  warmly  ^ 
describes  it  as  the  beginning  of  "  the  American 
stove  system,  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  industrial 
world."  Franklin  refused  to  take  out  a  patent  for 


36  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

it,  "  from  a  principle  which  has  ever  weighed  with 
me  on  such  occasions,  viz.  :  That  as  we  enjoy  great 
advantages  from  the  inventions  of  others,  we  should 
be  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  serve  others  by  any 
invention  of  ours ;  and  this  we  should  do  freely 
and  generously."  This  lofty  sentiment,  wherein 
the  philanthropist  got  the  better  of  the  man  of 
business,  overshot  its  mark ;  an  iron-monger  of 
London,  who  did  not  combine  philosophy  and  phil 
anthropy  with  his  trade,  made  "  some  small 
changes  in  the  machine,  which  rather  hurt  its 
operation,  got  a  patent  for  it  there,  and  made  a  lit 
tle  fortune  by  it." 

A  little  later  Franklin  founded  a  philosophical 


society,  not  intended  to  devote  its  energies  to  ab 
stractions,  but  rather  to  a  study  of  nature,  and  the 
spread  of  new  discoveries  and  useful  knowledge  in 
practical  affairs,  especially  in  the  way  of  farming 
and  agriculture.  Franklin  always  had  a  fancy  for 
agriculture,  and  conferred  many  a  boon  upon  the 
"fillers  of  the  soil.  A  good  story,  which  may  be 
true,  tells  how  he  showed  the  fertilizing  capacity  of 
plaster  of  paris.  In  a  field  by  the  roadside  he 
wrote,  with  plaster,  THIS  HAS  BEEN  PLASTERED  ; 
and  soon  the  brilliant  green  of  the  letters  carried 
the  lesson  to  every  passer-by. 

In  1743  Franklin  broached  the  idea  of  an  acad 
emy;  but  the  time  had  not  quite  come  when  the 
purse-strings  of  well-to-do  Pennsylvanians  could  be 
loosened  for  this  purpose,  and  he  had  no  success. 
It  was,  however,  a  project  about  which  he  was  much. 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  37 

in  earnest,  and  a  few  years  later  he  returned  to  it 
with  better  auspices.  He  succeeded  in  getting  it 
under  weigh  by  means  of  private  subscriptions.  It 
soon  vindicated  its  usefulness,  drew  funds  and  en 
dowments  from  various  sources,  and  became  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania.  Franklin  tells  an 
amusing  story  about  his  subsequent  connection 
with  it.  Inasmuch  as  persons  of  several  religious 
sects  had  contributed  to  the  fund,  it  was  arranged 
that  the  board  of  trustees  should  consist  of  one 
member  from  each  sect.  After  a  while  the  Mora 
vian  died ;  and  his  colleagues,  having  found  him  ob 
noxious  to  them,  resolved  not  to  have  another  of 
the  same  creed.  Yet  it  was  difficult  to  find  any 
one  who  did  not  belong  to,  and  therefore  unduly 
strengthen,  some  sect  already  represented.  At 
length  Franklin  was  mentioned  as  being  "merely 
an  honest  man,  and  of  no  sect  at  all."  The  recom 
mendation  secured  his  election.  It  was  always  a 
great  cause  of  his  success  and  influence  that  noth 
ing  could  be  alleged  against  his  correct  and  respect 
able  exterior  and  prudent,  moderate  deportment. 

He  now  endeavored  to  reorganize  the  system,  if 
system  it  can  be  called,  of  the  night-watch  in  Phila 
delphia.  His  description  of  it  is  picturesque :  — 

"  It  was  managed  by  the  constables  of  the  respective 
wards,  in  turn;  the  constable  warned  a  number  of 
housekeepers  to  attend  him  for  the  night.  Those  who 
chose  never  to  attend  paid  him  six  shillings  to  be  ex- 
cus'd,  which  was  supposed  to  be  for  hiring  substitutes, 
but  was,  in  reality,  much  more  than  was  necessary  for 


38  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

that  purpose,  and  made  the  constableship  a  place  of 
profit ;  and  the  constable,  for  a  little  drink,  often  got  such 
ragamuffins  about  him  as  a  watch,  that  respectable  house 
keepers  did  not  choose  to  mix  with.  Walking  the  rounds, 
too,  was  often  neglected,  and  most  of  the  nights  spent  in 
tippling." 

But  even  Franklin's  influence  was  overmatched  by 
this  task.  An  abuse,  nourished  by  copious  rum, 
strikes  its  roots  deep,  and  many  years  elapsed  be 
fore  this  one  could  be  eradicated. 

In  another  enterprise  Franklin  shrewdly  enlisted 
the  boon-companion  element  on  his  side,  with  the 
-result  of  immediate  and  brilliant  success.  He  be 
gan  as  usual  by  reading  a  paper  before  the  Junto, 
and  through  this  intervention  set  the  people  think 
ing  concerning  the  utter  lack  of  any  organization 
for  extinguishing  fires  in  the  town.  In  consequence 
the  Union  Fire  Company  was  soon  established,  the 
first  thing  of  the  kind  in  the  city.  Franklin  con 
tinued  a  member  of  it  for  half  a  century.  It  was 
thoroughly  equipped  and  efficiently  conducted.  An 
item  in  the  terms  of  association  was  that  the  mem 
bers  should  spend  a  social  evening  together  once  a 
month.  The  example  was  followed  ;  other  com 
panies  were  formed,  and  fifty  years  later  Franklin 
boasted  that  since  that  time  the  city  had  never 
"lost  by  fire  more  than  one  or  two  houses  at  a 
time  ;  and  the  flames  have  often  been  extinguished 
before  the  house  in  which  they  began  has  been  half 
consumed." 

About  this  time  he  became  interested  in  the  mat- 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  39 

ter  of  the  public  defenses,  and  wrote  a  pamphlet, 
"  Plain  Truth,"  showing  the  helpless  condition  of 
Pennsylvania  as  against  the  French  and  their  In 
dian  allies.  The  result  was  that  the  people  were 
alarmed  and  aroused.  Even  the  Quakers  winked 
at  the  godless  doings  of  their  fellow-citizens,  while 
the  enrollment  and  drill  of  a  volunteer  force  went 
forward,  and  funds  were  raised  for  building  and 
arming  a  battery.  Franklin  suggested  a  lottery, 
to  raise  money,  and  went  to  New  York  to  borrow 
guns.  He  was  very  active  and  very  successful ; 
and  though  the  especial  crisis  fortunately  passed 
away  without  use  being  made  of  these  preparations, 
yet  his  energy  and  efficiency  greatly  enhanced  his 
reputation  in  Pennsylvania. 

That  Franklin  had  been  prospering  in  his  pri 
vate  business  may  be  judged  from  the  facts  that  in 
1748  he  took  into  partnership  David  Hall,  who 
had  been  a  fellow  journeyman  with  him  in  London  ; 
and  that  his  purpose  was  substantially  to  retire  and 
get  some  "  leisure  .  .  .  for  philosophical  studies  and 
amusements."  He  cherished  the  happy  but  foolish 
notion  of  becoming  master  of  his  own  time.  But 
his  fellow-citizens  had  purposes  altogether  incon 
sistent  with  those  pleasing  and  comfortable  plans 
which  he  sketched  so  cheerfully  in  a  letter  to  his 
friend  Golden  in  September,  1748.  The  Philadel- 
phians,  whom  he  had  taught  thrift,  were  not  go 
ing  to  waste  such  material  as  he  was.  "  The  pub- 
lick,"  he  found,  "  now  considering  me  as  a  man  of 
leisure,  laid  hold  of  me  for  their  purposes ;  every 


40  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

part  of  our  civil  government,  and  almost  at  the 
same  time,  imposing  some  duty  upon  me.  The 
governor  put  me  into  the  commission  of  the  peace  ; 
the  corporation  of  the  city  chose  me  of  the  common 
council,  and  soon  after  an  alderman  ;  and  the  citi 
zens  at  large  chose  me  a  burgess  to  represent  them 
in  the  Assembly."  This  last  position  pleased  him 
best,  and  he  turned  himself  chiefly  to  its  duties, 
with  the  gratifying  result,  as  he  records,  that  the 
"  trust  was  repeated  every  year  for  ten  years,  with 
out  my  ever  asking  any  elector  for  his  vote,  or  sig 
nifying,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  any  desire  of 
being  chosen." 

The  next  year  he  was  appointed  a  commissioner 
to  treat  with  the  Indians,  in  which  business  he  had 
so  much  success  as  can  ever  attend  upon  engage 
ments  with  savages.  He  gives  an  amusing  account 
of  the  way  in  which  all  the  Indian  emissaries  got 
drunk,  and  of  their  quaint  apology :  that  the  Great 
Spirit  had  made  all  things  for  some  use ;  that 
"  when  he  made  rum,  he  said,  '  Let  this  be  for  the 
Indians  to  get  drunk  with  ; '  and  It  must  be  so." 

In  1751  he  assisted  Dr.  Bond  in  the  foundation 
of  his  hospital.  The  doctor  at  first  tried  to  carry 
out  his  scheme  alone,  but  could  not.  The  tranquil 
vanity  of  Franklin's  narration  is  too  good  to  be 
lost :  "  At  length  he  came  to  me,  with  the  compli 
ment  that  he  found  there  was  no  such  thing  as 
carrying  a  public-spirited  project  through,  without 
my  being  concerned  in  it.  '  For,'  says  he,  '  I  am 
often  asked  by  those  to  whom  I  propose  subscrib- 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  41 

ing,  Have  you  consulted  Franklin  upon  this  busi 
ness  ?  and  what  does  he  think  of  it  ?  And  when  I 
tell  them  that  I  have  not  (supposing  it  rather  out 
of  your  line),  they  do  not  subscribe,  but  say  they 
will  consider  of  it.' "  It  is  surprising  that  this  art 
ful  and  sugar-tongued  doctor,  who  evidently  could 
read  his  man,  had  not  been  more  successful  with 
his  subscription  list.  With  Franklin,  at  least,  he 
was  eminently  successful,  touching  him  with  a  con 
summate  skill  which  brought  prompt  response  and 
cooperation.  The  result  was  as  usual.  Franklin's 
hand  knew  the  way  to  every  Philadelphian  mer 
chant's  pocket.  Respected  as  he  was,  it  may  be 
doubted  whether  he  was  always  sincerely  welcomed 
as  he  used  to  move  from  door  to  door  down  those 
tranquil  streets,  with  an  irresistible  subscription 
paper  in  his  hand.  In  this  case  private  subscrip 
tions  were  eked  out  by  public  aid.  The  legisla 
ture  was  applied  to  for  a  grant.  The  country 
members  objected,  said  that  the  benefit  would  be 
local,  and  doubted  whether  even  the  Philadelphian s 
wanted  it.  Thereupon  Franklin  drew  a  bill,  by 
which  the  State  was  to  give  £2,000  upon  condition 
that  a  like  sum  should  be  raised  from  private 
sources.  This  was  soon  done.  Franklin  regarded 
his  device  as  a  novelty  and  a  ruse  in  legislation. 
He  complacently  says :  "  I  do  not  remember  any  of 
my  political  manoeuvres,  the  success  of  which  gave 
me  at  the  time  more  pleasure,  or  wherein,  after- 
thinking  of  it,  1  more  easily  excused  myself  for 
having  made  some  use  of  cunning."  Simple  times* 


42  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

in  which  such  an  act  could  be  described  as  a  "  ma 
noeuvre"  and  "  cunning  !  " 

He  further  turned  his  attention  to  matters  of 
local  improvement.  He  got  pavements  laid ;  and 
even  brought  about  the  sweeping  of  the  streets 
twice  in  each  week.  Lighting  the  streets  came  al 
most  simultaneously  ;  and  in  connection  with  this 
he  showed  his  wonted  ingenuity.  Globes  open  only 
at  the  top  had  heretofore  been  used,  and  by  reason 
of  the  lack  of  draught,  they  became  obscured  by 
smoke  early  in  the  evening.  Franklin  made  them 
of  four  flat  panes,  with  a  smoke-funnel,  and  crevices 
to  admit  the  air  beneath.  The  Londoners  had 
long  had  the  method  before  their  eyes,  every  even 
ing,  at  Vauxhall ;  but  had  never  got  at  the  notion 
of  transferring  it  to  the  open  streets. 

For  a  long  while  Franklin  was  employed  by  the 
postmaster-general  of  the  colonies  as  "his  comp 
troller  in  regulating  several  offices  and  bringing  the 
officers  to  account."  In  1753  the  incumbent  died, 
and  Franklin  and  Mr.  William  Hunter,  jointly, 
were  appointed  his  successors.  They  set  to  work 
to  reform  the  entire  postal  service  of  the  country. 
The  first  cost  to  themselves  was  considerable,  the 
office  falling  more  than  £900  in  debt  to  them  dur 
ing  the  first  four  years.  But  thereafterward  the 
benefit  of  their  measures  was  felt,  and  an  office 
which  had  never  before  paid  anything  to  that  of 
Great  Britain  came,  under  their  administration, 
"  to  yield  three  times  as  much  clear  revenue  to  the 
crown  as  the  post-office  of  Ireland."  Franklin 


A   CITIZEN   OF  PHILADELPHIA.  43 

narrates  that  in  time  he  was  displaced  "  by  a  freak 
of  the  ministers,"  and  in  happy  phrase  adds, 
"  Since  that  imprudent  transaction,  they  have  re 
ceived  from  it  —  not  one  farthing  !  "  In  this  con 
nection  it  may  be  worth  while  to  quote  Franklin's 
reply  to  a  request  to  give  a  position  to  his  nephew, 
a  young  man  whom  he  liked  well,  and  otherwise 
aided.  "If  a  vacancy  should  happen,  it  is  very 
probable  he  may  be  thought  of  to  supply  it ;  but  it 
is  a  rule  with  me  not  to  remove  any  officer  that 
behaves  well,  keeps  regular  accounts,  and  pays 
duly ;  and  I  think  the  rule  is  founded  on  reason 
and  justice." 

At  this  point  in  his  autobiography  he  records, 
with  just  pride,  that  he  received  the  degree  of 
Master  of  Arts,  first  from  Yale  College  and  after 
ward  from  Harvard.  "  Thus,  without  studying  in 
any  college,  I  came  to  partake  of  their  honors. 
They  were  conferred  in  consideration  of  my  im 
provements  and  discoveries  in  the  electric  branch 
of  natural  philosophy." 

An  interesting  page  in  the  autobiography  con 
cerns  events  in  the  year  1754.  There  were  distinct 
foreshadowings  of  that  war  between  England  and 
France  which  soon  afterward  broke  out,  beginning 
upon  this  side  of  the  water  earlier  than  in  Europe ; 
and  the  lords  of  trade  ordered  a  congress  of  com 
missioners  from  the  several  colonies  to  assemble 
at  Albany  for  a  conference  with  the  chiefs  of 
the  Six  Nations.  They  came  together  June  19, 
1754.  Franklin  was  a  deputy  from  Pennsylvania ; 


44  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

and  on  his  way  thither  he  "  projected  and  drew  a 
plan  for  the  union  of  all  the  colonies  under  one 
government,  so  far  as  might  be  necessary  for  de 
fense  and  other  important  general  purposes."  It 
was  not  altogether  a  new  idea ;  in  1697  William 
Penn  had  suggested  a  commercial  union  and  an 
annual  congress.  The  journal  of  the  congress 
shows  that  on  June  24th  it  was  unanimously  voted 
that  a  union  of  the  colonies  was  "  absolutely  neces 
sary  for  their  security  and  defense."  The  Massa 
chusetts  delegation  alone  had  been  authorized  to 
consider  the  question  of  a  union,  and  they  had 
power  to  enter  into  a  confederation  "as  well  in 
time  of  peace  as  of  war."  Franklin  had  already 
been  urging  this  policy  by  writings  in  the  Gazette, 
and  now,  when  the  ideas  of  the  different  commis 
sioners  were  brought  into  comparison,  his  were 
deemed  the  best.  His  outline  of  a  scheme,  he  says, 
"  happen'd  to  be  preferr'd,"  and,  with  a  few  amend 
ments,  was  accordingly  reported.  It  was  a  league 
rather  than  a  union,  somewhat  resembling  the 
arrangement  which  came  into  existence  for  the 
purposes  of  the  Revolution.  But  it  came  to  noth 
ing  ;  "  its  fate,"  Franklin  said,  "  was  singular." 
It  was  closely  debated,  article  by  article,  and  hav 
ing  at  length  been  "  pretty  unanimously  accepted, 
it  came  before  the  colonial  assemblies  for  ratifica 
tion."  But  they  condemned  it ;  "  there  was  too 
much  prerogative  in  it,"  they  thought.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  board  of  trade  in  England  would 
not  approve  it  because  it  had  "  too  much  of  the 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  45 

democratic."  All  which  led  Franklin  to  "  suspect 
that  it  was  really  the  true  medium."  He  himself 
acknowledged  that  one  main  advantage  of  it  would 
be  "  that  the  colonies  would,  by  this  connection, 
learn  to  consider  themselves,  not  as  so  many  inde 
pendent  states,  but  as  members  of  the  same  body ; 
and  thence  be  more  ready  to  afford  assistance  and 
support  to  each  other,"  etc.  It  was  already  the 
national  idea  which  lay,  not  quite  formulated,  yet 
distinct  enough  in  his  mind.  It  was  hardly  to  be 
expected  that  the  home  government  would  fail  to 
see  this  tendency,  or  that  they  would  look  upon  it 
with  favor.  Franklin  long  afterward  indulged  in 
some  speculations  as  to  what  might  have  been  the 
consequences  of  an  adoption  of  his  scheme,  namely : 
united  colonies,  strong  enough  to  defend  them 
selves  against  the  Canadian  French  and  their  In 
dian  allies ;  no  need,  therefore,  of  troops  from 
England  ;  no  pretext,  therefore,  for  taxing  the 
provinces  ;  no  provocation,  therefore,  for  rebellion. 
"But  such  mistakes  are  not  new;  history  is  full 
of  the  errors  of  states  and  princes.  .  .  .  The  best 
public  measures  are  seldom  adopted  from  previous 
wisdom  but  forced  ~by  the,  occasion"  But  this 
sketch  of  what  might  have  been  sounds  over-fanci 
ful,  and  the  English  were  probably  right  in  think 
ing  that  a  strong  military  union,  with  home  taxa 
tion,  involved  more  of  danger  than  of  safety  for 
the  future  connection  between  the  colonies  and  the 
mother  country. 

There    was   much     uneasiness,    much    planning, 


46  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

theorizing,  and  discussing  going  on  at  this  time 
about  the  relationship  between  Great  Britain  and 
her  American  provinces  ;  earlier  stages  of  that  talk 
which  kept  on  growing  louder,  more  eager,  and  more 
disputatious,  until  it  was  swallowed  up  in  the  roar 
of  the  revolutionary  cannon.  Among  others,  Shir 
ley,  governor  of  Massachusetts,  concocted  a  scheme 
and  showed  it  to  Franklin.  By  this  an  assembly 
of  the  governors  of  all  the  colonies,  attended  by 
one  or  two  members  of  their  respective  councils, 
was  to  have  authority  to  take  such  measures  as 
should  seem  needful  for  defense,  with  power  to 
draw  upon  the  English  treasury  to  meet  expenses, 
the  amount  of  such  drafts  to  be  "re-imbursed  by 
a  tax  laid  on  the  colonies  by  act  of  Parliament." 
This  alarming  proposition  at  once  drew  forth  three 
letters  from  Franklin,  written  in  December,  1754, 
and  afterward  published  in  the  "  London  Chronicle  " 
in  December,  1766.  His  position  amounted  to  this  : 
that  the  business  of  self-defense  and  the  expense 
thereof  were  matters  neither  beyond  the  abilities  of 
the  colonies,  nor  outside  their  willingness,  and 
should  therefore  be  managed  by  them.  Their 
loyalty  could  be  trusted  ;  their  knowledge  must  be 
the  best;  on  the  other  hand,  governors  were  apt 
to  be  untrustworthy,  self-seeking,  and  ignorant  of 
provincial  affairs.  But  the  chief  emphasis  of  his 
protest  falls  against  taxation  without  representa 
tion.  He  says :  — 

"  That  it  is  supposed  an  undoubted  right  of  English 
men  not  to  be  taxed  but  by  their  own  consent,  given 
through  their  representatives. 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  47 

"  That  the  colonists  have  no  representatives  in  Parlia 
ment. 

"  That  compelling  the  colonists  to  pay  money  without 
their  consent  would  be  rather  like  raising  contributions 
in  an  enemy's  country,  than  taxing  of  Englishmen  for 
their  own  public  benefit. 

"  That  it  would  be  treating  them  as  a  conquered  peo 
ple,  and  not  as  true  British  subjects." 

And  so  on  ;  traversing  beforehand  the  same  ground 
soon  to  be  so  thoroughly  beaten  over  by  the  patriot 
writers  and  speakers  of  the  colonies.  In  a  very  few 
years  the  line  of  argument  became  familiar,  but  for 
the  present  Franklin  and  a  very  few  more  were 
doing  the  work  of  suggestion  and  instruction  for 
the  people  at  large,  teaching  them  by  what  logic 
their  instinctive  convictions  could  be  maintained. 

He  further  ingeniously  showed  that  the  colonists 
were  already  heavily  taxed  in  ways  from  which 
they  could  not  escape.  Taxes  paid  by  British  ar 
tificers  came  out  of  the  colonial  consumers,  and  the 
colonists  were  compelled  to  buy  only  from  Britain 
those  articles  which  they  would  otherwise  be  able 
to  buy  at  much  lower  prices  from  oth^  countries. 
Moreover,  they  were  obliged  to  sell  only  in  Great 
Britain,  where  heavy  imposts  served  to  curtail  the 
net  profits  of  the  producer.  Even  such  manufac 
tures  as  could  be  carried  on  in  the  colonies  were 
forbidden  to  them.  He  concluded  :  — 

"  These  kinds  of  secondary  taxes,  however,  we  do  not 
complain  of,  though  we  have  no  share  in  the  laying  or 
disposing  of  them  ;  but  to  pay  immediate,  heavy  taxes, 


48  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

in  the  laying,  appropriation,  and  disposition  of  which  we 
have  no  part,  and  which  perhaps  we  may  know  to  be  as 
unnecessary  as  grievous,  must  seem  hard  measures  to 
Englishmen,  who  cannot  conceive  that  by  hazarding 
their  lives  and  fortunes  in  subduing  and  settling  new 
countries,  extending  the  dominion  and  increasing  the 
commerce  of  the  mother  nation,  they  have  forfeited  the 
native  rights  of  Britons,  which  they  think  ought  rather 
to  be  given  to  them,  as  due  to  such  merit,  if  they  had 
been  before  in  a  state  of  slavery." 

A  third  letter  discussed  a  proposition  advanced 
by  Shirley  for  giving  the  colonies  representation 
in  Parliament.  Franklin  was  a  little  skeptical, 
and  had  no  notion  of  being  betrayed  by  a  kiss. 
A  real  unification  of  the  two  communities  lying 
upon  either  side  of  the  Atlantic,  and  even  a  close 
approximation  to  proportionate  representation, 
would  constitute  an  excellent  way  out  of  the  pres 
ent  difficulties.  But  he  saw  no  encouragement  to 
hope  for  this. 

In  fact,  the  project  of  laying  direct  internal 
taxes  upon  the  colonies  by  act  of  Parliament  was 
taking  firn^root  in  the  English  mind,  and  colonial 
protests  could  not  long  stay  the  execution  of  the 
scheme.  Even  such  grants  of  money  as  were  made 
by  some  of  the  colonial  legislatures  were  vetoed,  on 
the  ground  that  they  were  connected  with  encroach 
ments,  schemes  for  independence,  and  an  assump 
tion  of  the  right  to  exercise  control  in  the  matter 
of  the  public  finances.1  The  Penns  rejoiced. 
1  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  S.,  iv.  176. 


A   CITIZEN   OF  PHILADELPHIA.  49 

Thomas  Penn  wrote,  doubtless  with  a  malicious 
chuckle  :  "  If  the  several  assemblies  will  not  make 
provision  for  the  general  service,  an  act  of  Parlia 
ment  may  oblige  them  here."  He  evidently  thought 
that  it  would  be  very  wholesome  if  government 
should  become  incensed  and  severe  with  the  re 
calcitrants. 

During  his  discussion  with  Shirley,  Franklin  had 
been  upon  a  visit  to  Boston.  He  "  left  New  Eng 
land,"  he  says,  "slowly,  and  with  great  reluc 
tance  ;  "  for  he  loved  the  country  and  the  people. 
He  returned  home  to  be  swept  into  the  hurly-burly 
of  military  affairs.  War  appropriations  came  hard 
from  the  legislature  of  the  Quaker  province  ;  but 
the  occasion  was  now  at  hand  when  come  they 
must.  In  the  autumn  of  1755  X  60, 000  were  voted, 
chiefly  for  defense,  and  Franklin  was  one  of  the 
committee  in  charge  of  the  expenditure.  The  bor 
der  was  already  unsafe,  and  formal  hostilities  on  a 
large  scale  were  close  at  hand.  France  and  Eng 
land  must  fight  it  out  for  the  possession  of  the  new 
continent,  which,  boundless  as  it  then  seemed,  was 
yet  not  big  enough  to  admit  of  their  both  dwelling 
in  it.  France  had  been  steadily  pressing  upon  the 
northern  and  western  frontiers  of  the  British  col 
onies,  and  she  now  held  Crown  Point,  Niagara,  the 
fort  on  the  present  site  of  Pittsburg,  and  the  whole 
valley  of  the  Ohio  River.  It  seemed  that  she  would 
confine  the  English  to  the  strip  along  the  coast 
which  they  already  occupied.  It  is  true  that  she 
offered  to  relinquish  the  Ohio  valley  to  the  savages, 


50  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

to  be  a  neutral  belt  between  the  European  nations 
on  either  side  of  it.  But  the  proposal  could  not  be 
accepted ;  the  French  were  much  too  clever  in  man 
aging  the  Indians.  Moreover,  it  was  felt  that  they 
would  never  permanently  desist  from  advancing. 
Then,  too,  the  gallant  Braddock  was  on  his  way 
across  seas,  with  a  little  army  of  English  regulars. 
Finally,  the  disproportion  between  the  English  and 
French  in  the  New  World  was  too  great  for  the 
former  to  rest  satisfied  with  a  compromise.  There 
were  about  1,165,000  whites  in  the  British  Prov 
inces,  and  only  about  80,000  French  in  Canada. 
The  resources,  also,  of  the  former  were  in  every  re 
spect  vastly  greater.  These  iron  facts  must  tell ; 
were  already  telling.  Throughout  this  last  deadly 
grapple,  now  at  hand,  the  French  were  in  desperate 
earnest.  History  records  few  struggles  wherein  the 
strength  of  a  combatant  was  more  utterly  spent, 
with  more  entire  devotion,  than  was  the  case  with 
these  Canadian  -  French  provinces.  Every  man 
gave  himself  to  the  fight,  so  literally  that  no  one 
was  left  to  till  the  fields,  and  erelong  famine  be 
gan  its  hideous  work  among  the  scanty  forces.  The 
English  and  Americans,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
far  from  conducting  the  struggle  with  the  like  tem 
per  as  the  French  ;  yet  with  such  enormous  advan 
tages  as  they  possessed,  if  they  could  not  conquer 
a  satisfactory  peace  in  course  of  time,  they  ought 
to  be  ashamed  of  themselves.  So  no  composition 
could  be  arranged  ;  the  Seven  Years'  War  began, 
and  to  open  it  with  becoming  eclat  Braddock  de- 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  51 

barked,  a  gorgeous  spectacle  in  red  and  gold.  Yet 
still  there  had  as  yet  been  in  Europe  no  declara 
tion  of  hostilities  between  England  and  France; 
on  the  contrary,  the  government  of  the  former 
country  was  giving  very  fair  words  to  that  of  the 
latter ;  and  in  America  the  British  professed  only 
to  intend  "  to  repel  encroachments."  J 

Franklin  had  to  take  his  share  of  the  disasters 
attendant  upon  the  fatal  campaign  of  Braddock. 
According  to  his  notion  that  foolish  officer  and  his 
two  ill-behaved  regiments  should  never,  by  good 
rights,  have  been  sent  to  the  provinces  at  all ;  for 
the  colonists,  being  able  and  willing  to  do  their  own 
fighting,  should  have  been  allowed  to  undertake  it. 
But  eleven  years  before  this  time  the  Duke  of  Bed 
ford  had  declared  it  a  dangerous  policy  to  enroll  an 
army  of  20,000  provincials  to  serve  against  Canada, 
"  on  account  of  the  independence  it  might  create  in 
those  provinces,  when  they  should  see  within  them 
selves  so  great  an  army,  possessed  of  so  great  a 
country  by  right  of  conquest."  This  anxiety  had 
been  steadily  gaining  ground.  The  home  govern 
ment  did  not  choose  "  to  permit  the  union  of  the 
colonies,  as  proposed  at  Albany,  and  to  trust  that 
union  with  their  defense,  lest  they  should  thereby 
grow  too  military  and  feel  their  own  strength,  sus 
picions  and  jealousies  being  at  this  time  entertained 
of  them."  So  it  was  because  the  shadow  of  the 
Revolutionary  War  already  darkened  the  visions 
of  English  statesmen  that  the  gallant  array  of  sol- 

1  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  S.,  iv.  182. 


52  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

diery,  with  the  long  train  of  American  attendants, 
had  to  make  that  terrible  march  to  failure  and 
death. 

The  Assembly  of  the  Quaker  province  was  sadly 
perturbed  lest  this  arbitrary  warrior,  encamped 
hard  by  in  Virginia,  should  "  conceive  violent  pre 
judices  against  them,  as  averse  to  the  service."  In 
their  alarm  they  had  recourse  to  Franklin's  shrewd 
wit  and  ready  tongue.  Accordingly,  he  visited 
Braddock  under  pretense  of  arranging  for  the 
transmission  of  mails  during  the  campaign,  stayed 
with  him  several  days,  and  dined  with  him  daily. 
There  were  some  kinds  of  men,  perhaps,  whom 
Braddock  appreciated  better  than  he  did  Indians  ; 
nor  is  it  a  slight  proof  of  Franklin's  extraordinary 
capacity  for  getting  on  well  with  every  variety  of 
human  being  that  he  could  make  himself  so  wel 
come  to  this  testy,  opinionated  military  martinet, 
who  in  every  particular  of  nature  and  of  training 
was  the  precise  contrary  of  the  provincial  civilian. 

Franklin's  own  good  will  to  the  cause,  or  his  ill- 
luck,  led  him  into  an  engagement,  made  just  before 
his  departure,  whereby  he  undertook  to  procure 
horses  and  wagons  enough  for  the  transportation  of 
the  ordnance  and  all  the  appurtenances  of  the  camp.  • 
It  was  not  a  personal  contract  upon  his  part  to  fur 
nish  these  ;  he  was  neither  to  make  any  money, 
nor  to  risk  any;  he  was  simply  to  render  the  gra 
tuitous  service  of  inducing  the  Pennsylvania  farm 
ers  to  let  out  their  horses,  wagons,  and  drivers  to 
the  general.  It  was  a  difficult  task,  in  which  the 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  53 

emissaries  of  Braddock  had  utterly  failed  in  Vir 
ginia.  But  Franklin  conceived  the  opportunities 
to  be  better  in  his  own  Province,  and  entered  on 
the  business  with  vigor  and  skill.  Throughout  the 
farming  region  he  sent  advertisements  and  circu 
lars,  cleverly  devised  to  elicit  what  he  wanted,  and 
so  phrased  as  to  save  him  harmless  from  personal 
responsibility  for  any  payment.  Seven  days'  pay 
was  to  be  "  advanced  and  paid  in  hand  "  by  him, 
the  remainder  to  be  paid  by  General  Braddock,  or 
by  the  paymaster  of  the  army.  He  said,  in  closing 
his  appeal :  "I  have  no  particular  interest  in  this 
affair,  as,  except  the  satisfaction  of  endeavoring  to 
do  good,  I  shall  have  only  my  labor  for  my  pains." 
But  he  was  not  to  get  off  so  easily  ;  for,  he  says, 
"  the  owners,  .  .  .  alleging  that  they  did  not  know 
General  Braddock,  or  what  dependence  might  be 
had  on  his  promise,  insisted  on  my  bond  for  the 
performance,  which  I  accordingly  gave  them."  This 
was  the  more  patriotic  because  Franklin  was  by  no 
means  dazzled  by  the  pomp  and  parade  of  the 
doughty  warrior,  but  on  the  contrary,  reflecting  on 
the  probable  character  of  the  campaign,  he  had  "  con 
ceived  some  doubts  and  some  fears  for  the  event." 
What  happened  every  one  knows.  The  losses  of 
wagons  and  horses  in  the  slaughter  amounted  to 
the  doleful  sum  of  £20,000 ;  "  which  to  pay  would 
have  ruined  me,"  wrote  Franklin.  Nevertheless 
the  demands  began  at  once  to  pour  in  upon  him, 
and  suits  were  instituted.  It  was  a  grievous  affair, 
and  the  end  was  by  no  means  clear.  It  was  easily 


54  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

possible  that  in  place  of  his  fortune,  sacrificed  in 
the  public  service,  he  might  have  only  the  sorry 
substitute  of  a  claim  against  the  government.  But 
after  many  troubled  weeks  he  was  at  length  relieved 
of  the  heaviest  portion  of  his  burden,  through  Gen 
eral  Shirley's  appointment  of  a  commission  to  audit 
and  pay  the  claims  for  actual  losses.  Other  sums 
due  him,  representing  considerable  advances  which 
he  had  made  at  the  outset  in  the  business,  and 
later  for  provisions,  remained  unpaid  to  the  end  of 
his  days.  The  British  government  in  time  prob 
ably  thought  the  Revolution  as  efficient  as  a  stat 
ute  of  limitations  for  barring  that  account.  At 
the  moment,  however,  Franklin  not  only  lost  his 
money,  but  had  to  suffer  the  affront  of  being  sup 
posed  even  to  be  a  gainer,  and  to  have  filled  his 
own  pockets.  He  indignantly  denied  that  he  had 
"  pocketed  a  farthing ;  "  but  of  course  he  was  not 
believed.  He  adds,  with  delicious  humor  :  "  and, 
indeed,  I  have  since  learnt  that  immense  fortunes 
are  often  made  in  such  employments."  Those, 
however,  were  simple,  provincial  days.  In  place 
of  the  money  which  he  did  not  get,  also  of  the 
further  sum  which  he  actually  lost,  he  had  to  sat 
isfy  himself  with  the  consolation  derived  from  the 
approbation  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly,  while 
also  Braddock's  dispatches  gave  him  a  good  name 
with  the  officials  in  England,  which  was  of  some 
little  service  to  him. 

A  more  comical  result  of  the  Braddock  affair 
was  that  it  made  Franklin  for  a  time  a  military 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  55 

man  and  a  colonel.  He  had  escaped  being  a  cler 
gyman  and  a  poet,  but  he  could  not  escape  that 
common  fate  of  Americans,  the  military  title,  the 
prevalence  of  which,  it  has  been  said,  makes  uthe 
whole  country  seem  a  retreat  of  heroes."  It  befell 
Franklin  in  this,  wise:  immediately  after  Brad- 
dock's  defeat,  in  the  panic  which  possessed  the 
people  and  amid  the  reaction  against  professional 
soldiers,  recourse  was  had  to  plain  good  sense, 
though  unaccompanied  by  technical  knowledge. 
No  one,  as  all  the  Province  knew,  had  such  sound 
sense  as  Franklin,  who  was  accordingly  deputed  to 
go  to  the  western  frontier  with  a  small  volunteer 
force,  there  to  build  three  forts  for  the  protection 
of  the  outlying  settlements.  "I  undertook,"  he 
says,  "  this  military  business,  though  I  did  not  con 
ceive  myself  well  qualified  for  it."  It  was  a  ser 
vice  involving  much  difficulty  and  hardship,  with 
some  danger ;  General  Braddock  would  have  made 
a  ridiculous  failure  of  it ;  Franklin  acquitted  him 
self  well.  What  he  afterward  wrote  of  General 
Shirley  was  true  of  himself:  "For,  tho'  Shirley 
was  not  bred  a  soldier,  he  was  sensible  and  saga 
cious  in  himself,  and  attentive  to  good  advice  from 
others,  capable  of  forming  judicious  plans,  and 
quick  and  active  in  carrying  them  into  execution." 
In  a  word,  Franklin's  military  career  was  as  cred 
itable  as  it  was  brief.  He  was  called  forward  at 
the  crisis  of  universal  dismay;  he  gave  his  popular 
influence  and  cool  head  to  a  peculiar  kind  of  ser 
vice,  of  which  he  knew  much  by  hearsay,  if  nothing 


56  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

by  personal  experience  ;  he  did  his  work  well ; 
and,  much  stranger  to  relate,  he  escaped  the  delu 
sion  that  he  was  a  soldier.  So  soon  as  he  could 
do  so,  that  is  to  say  after  a  few  weeks,  he  returned 
to  his  civil  duties.  But  he  had  shown  courage, 
intelligence,  and  patriotism  in  a  high  degree,  and 
he  had  greatly  increased  the  confidence  reposed  in 
him  by  his  fellow-citizens. 

Beyond  those  active  military  measures  which  the 
exigencies  of  the  time  made  necessary,  Franklin 
fell  in  with,  if  he  did  not  originate,  a  plan  designed 
to  afford  permanent  protection  in  the  future.  This 
was  to  extend  the  colonies  inland.  His  notions 
were  broad,  embracing  much  both  in  space  and 
time.  He  thought  "  what  a  glorious  thing  it  would 
be  to  settle  in  that  fine  country  a  large,  strong  body 
of  religious,  industrious  people.  What  a  security 
to  the  other  colonies  and  advantage  to  Britain  by 
increasing  her  people,  territory,  strength,  and  com 
merce."  He  foretold  that  "perhaps  in  less  than 
another  century  "  the  Ohio  valley  might  "  become 
a  populous  and  powerful  dominion,  and  a  great 
accession  of  power  either  to  England  or  France." 
Having  this  scheme  much  at  heart,  he  drew  up  a 
sort  of  prospectus  "  for  settling  two  western  colonies 
in  North  America  ;  "  "  barrier  colonies  "  they  were 
called  by  Governor  Pownall,  who  was  warm  in  the 
same  idea,  and  sent  a  plan  of  his  own,  together  with 
Franklin's,  to  the  home  government. 

It  is  true  that  these  new  settlements,  regarded 
strictly  as  bulwarks,  would  have  been  only  a  change 


A   CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  57 

of  "barrier,"  an  advancement  of  frontier;  they 
themselves  would  become  frontier  instead  of  the 
present  line,  and  would  be  equally  subject  to  Indian 
and  French  assaults.  Still  the  step  was  in  the 
direction  of  growth  and  expansion ;  it  was  advanc 
ing  and  aggressive,  and  indicated  an  appreciation 
of  the  enormous  motive  power  which  lay  in  Eng 
lish  colonization.  Franklin  pushed  it  earnestly, 
interested  others  in  it,  and  seemed  at  one  time  on 
the  point  of  securing  the  charters.  But  the  con 
quest  of  Canada  within  a  very  short  time  rendered 
defensive  colonization  almost  needless,  and  soon 
afterward  the  premonitions  and  actual  outbreak  of 
the  Revolution  put  an  end  to  all  schemes  in  this 
shape. 


CHAPTER  III. 

REPRESENTATIVE  OF  PENNSYLVANIA   IN  ENGLAND  ! 
RETURN   HOME. 

IT  was  not  possible  to  make  a  world-wide  reputa 
tion  in  the  public  affairs  of  the  Province  of  Penn 
sylvania  ;  but  so  much  fame  as  opportunity  would 
admit  of  had  by  this  time  been  won  by  Franklin. 
In  respect  of  influence  and  prestige  among  his  fel 
low-colonists  none  other  came  near  to  him.  Mean 
while  among  all  his  crowding  occupations  he  had 
found  time  for  those  scientific  researches  towards 
which  his  heart  always  yearned.  He  had  flown  his 
famous  kite ;  had  entrapped  the  lightning  of  the 
clouds ;  had  written  treatises,  which,  having  been 
collected  into  a  volume,  "  were  much  taken  notice 
of  in  England,"  made  no  small  stir  in  France,  and 
were  "  translated  into  the  Italian,  German,  and 
Latin  languages."  A  learned  French  abbe,  "  pre 
ceptor  in  natural  philosophy  to  the  royal  family, 
and  an  able  experimenter,"  at  first  controverted  his 
discoveries  and  even  questioned  his  existence.  But 
after  a  little  time  this  worthy  scientist  became 
"  assur'd  that  there  really  existed  such  a  person  as 
Franklin  at  Philadelphia,"  while  other  distinguished 
scientific  men  of  Europe  united  in  the  adoption  of 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  59 

his  theories.  Kant  called  him  the  Prometheus  of 
modern  times.  Thus,  in  one  way  and  another,  his 
name  had  probably  already  come  to  be  more  widely 
known  than  that  of  any  other  living  man  who  had 
been  born  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  It  might 
have  been  even  much  more  famous,  had  he  been 
more  free  to  follow  his  own  bent,  a  pleasure  which 
he  could  only  enjoy  in  a  very  limited  degree.  In 
1753  he  wrote :  "  I  am  so  engaged  in  business, 
public  and  private,  that  those  more  pleasing  pur 
suits  [philosophical  enquiries]  are  frequently  inter 
rupted,  and  the  chain  of  thought  necessary  to  be 
closely  continued  in  such  disquisitions  is  so  broken 
and  disjointed  that  it  is  with  difficulty  I  satisfy 
myself  in  any  of  them."  Similar  complaints  occur 
frequently,  and  it  is  certain  that  his  extensive  phil 
osophical  labors  were  all  conducted  in  those  mere 
cracks  and  crannies  of  leisure  scantily  interspersed 
amid  the  hours  of  a  man  apparently  overwhelmed 
with  the  functions  of  active  life.  ^" 

He  was  now  selected  by  the  Assembly  to  en 
counter  the  perils  of  crossing  the  Atlantic  upon  an 
important  mission  in  behalf  of  his  Province.  For 
a  long  while  past  the  relationship  between  the 
Penns,  unworthy  sons  of  the  great  William,  and 
now  the  proprietaries,  on  the  one  side,  and  their 
quasi  subjects,  the  people  of  the  Province,  upon 
the  other,  had  been  steadily  becoming  more  and 
more  strained,  until  something  very  like  a  crisis 
had  been  reached.  As  usual  in  English  and  Anglo- 
American  communities,  it  was  a  quarrel  over  dol- 


60  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

lars,  or  rather  over  pounds  sterling,  a  question  of 
taxation,  which  was  producing  the  alienation.  At 
bottom,  there  was  the  trouble  which  always  pertains 
to  absenteeism ;  the  proprietaries  lived  in  England, 
and  regarded  their  vast  American  estate,  with 
about  200,000  white  inhabitants,  only  as  a  source 
of  revenue.  That  mercantile  community,  however, 
with  the  thrift  of  Quakers  and  the  independent 
temper  of  Englishmen,  had  a  shrewd  appreciation 
of,  and  an  obstinate  respect  for,  its  own  interests. 
Hence  the  discussions,  already  of  threatening  pro 
portions. 

The  chief  point  in  dispute  was,  whether  or  not 
the  waste  lands,  still  directly  owned  by  the  proprie 
taries,  and  other  lands  let  by  them  at  quitrents, 
should  be  taxed  in  the  same  manner  as  like  prop 
erty  of  other  owners.  They  refused  to  submit  to 
such  taxation  ;  the  Assembly  of  Burgesses  insisted. 
In  ordinary  times  the  proprietaries  prevailed ;  for 
the  governor  was  their  nominee  and  removable  at 
their  pleasure  ;  they  gave  him  general  instructions 
to  assent  to  no  law  taxing  their  holdings,  and  he 
naturally  obeyed  his  masters.  But  since  govern 
ors  got  their  salaries  only  by  virtue  of  a  vote  of 
the  Assembly,  it  seems  that  they  sometimes  disre 
garded  instructions,  in  the  sacred  cause  of  their 
own  interests.  After  a  while,  therefore,  the  pro 
prietaries,  made  shrewd  by  experience,  devised  the 
scheme  of  placing  their  unfortunate  sub-rulers  un 
der  bonds.  This  went  far  towards  settling  the 
matter.  Yet  in  such  a  crisis  and  stress  as  were 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  61 

now  present  in  the  colony,  when  exceptionally  large 
sums  had  to  be  raised,  and  great  sacrifices  and  suf 
ferings  endured,  and  when  little  less  than  the  actual 
existence  of  the  Province  might  be  thought  to  be  at 
stake,  it  certainly  seemed  that  the  rich  and  idle  pro 
prietaries  might  stand  on  the  same  footing  with 
their  poor  and  laboring  subjects.  They  lived  com 
fortably  in  England  upon  revenues  estimated  to 
amount  to  the  then  enormous  sum  of  <£20,000 
sterling;  while  the  colonists  were  struggling  un 
der  unusual  losses,  as  well  as  enormous  expenses, 
growing  out  of  the  war  and  Indian  ravages.  At 
such  a  time  their  parsimony,  their  "  incredible 
meanness,"  as  Franklin  called  it,  was  cruel  as  well 
as  stupid.  At  last  the  Assembly  flatly  refused  to 
raise  any  money  unless  the  proprietaries  should  be 
burdened  like  the  rest.  All  should  pay  together, 
or  all  should  go  to  destruction  together.  The  Penns 
too  stood  obstinate,  facing  the  not  less  resolute 
Assembly.  It  was  indeed  a  deadlock !  Yet  the 
times  were  such  that  neither  party  could  afford  to 
maintain  its  ground  indefinitely.  So  a  temporary 
arrangement  was  made,  whereby  of  X60,000  ster 
ling  to  be  raised  the  proprietaries  agreed  to  contrib 
ute  <£5,000,  and  the  Assembly  agreed  to  accept  the 
same  in  lieu  or  commutation  for  their  tax.  But 
neither  side  abandoned  its  principle.  Before  long 
more  money  was  needed,  and  the  dispute  was  as 
fierce  as  ever. 

The  burgesses   now  thought   that   it  would   be 
well  to  carry  a  statement  of  their  case  before  the 


62  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

king  in  council  and  the  lords  of  trade.  In 
February,  1757,  they  named  their  speaker,  Isaac 
Norris,  and  Franklin  to  be  their  emissaries  "  to 
represent  in  England  the  unhappy  situation  of  the 
Province,"  and  to  seek  redress  by  an  act  of  Par 
liament.  Norris,  an  aged  man,  begged  to  be  ex 
cused  ;  Franklin  accepted.  His  son  was  given 
leave  of  absence,  in  order  to  attend  him  as  his 
secretary.  During  the  prolonged  and  bitter  con 
troversies  Franklin  had  been  the  most  prominent 
member  of  the  Assembly  on  the  popular  side.  He 
had  drawn  many  of  the  addresses,  arguments,  and 
other  papers  ;  and  his  familiarity  with  the  business, 
therefore,  no  less  than  his  good  judgment,  shrewd 
ness,  and  tact  united  to  point  him  out  as  the  man 
for  the  very  unpleasant  and  difficult  errand. 

A  portion  of  his  business  also  was  to  endeavor  to 
induce  the  king  to  resume  the  Province  of  Penn 
sylvania  as  his  own.  A  clause  in  the  charter  had 
reserved  this  right,  which  could  be  exercised  on 
payment  of  a  certain  sum  of  money.  The  colonists 
now  preferred  to  be  an  appanage  of  the  crown 
rather  than  a  fief  of  the  Penns.  Oddly  enough, 
some  of  the  provincial  governors  were  suggesting 
the  like  measure  concerning  other  provinces ;  but 
from  widely  different  motives.  The  colonists 
thought  a  monarch  better  than  private  individuals, 
as  a  master ;  while  the  governors  thought  that  only 
the  royal  authority  could  enforce  their  theory  of 
colonial  government.  They  angrily  complained 
that  the  colonies  would  do  nothing  voluntarily ;  a 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  63 

most  unjust  charge,  as  was  soon  to  be  seen  •,  for  in 
the  Seven  Years'  War  the  colonists  did  three  quar 
ters  of  all  that  was  done.  What  the  governors 
really  meant  was  that  the  colonies  would  not  raise 
money  and  turn  it  over  to  other  persons  to  spend 
for  them. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  prospects  for 
the  success  of  this  mission  were  not  good.  Almost 
simultaneously  with  Franklin's  appointment,  the 
House  of  Commons  resolved  that  "  the  claim  of 
right  in  a  colonial  Assembly  to  raise  and  apply  pub 
lic  money,  by  its  own  act  alone,  is  derogatory  to  the 
crown,  and  to  the  rights  of  the  people  of  Great 
Britain."  This  made  Thomas  Penn  jubilant. 
"  The  people  of  Pennsylvania,"  he  said,  "  will  soon 
be  convinced  .  .  .  that  they  have  not  a  right  to 
the  powers  of  government  they  claim."  1 

Franklin  took  his  passage  in  a  packet -ship, 
which  was  to  sail  from  New  York  forthwith.  But 
the  vessel  was  subject  to  the  orders  of  Lord  Lou- 
doim,  newly  appointed  governor  of  the  Province  of 
New  York,  and  a  sort  of  military  over-lord  over  all 
the  governors,  assemblies,  and  people  of  the 
American  provinces.  His  mission  was  to  organize, 
to  introduce  system  and  submission,  and  above  all 
else  to  overawe.  But  he  was  no  man  for  the  task  ; 
not  because  his  lordship  was  not  a  dominant  char 
acter,  but  because  he  was  wholly  unfit  to  transact 
business.  Franklin  tried  some  negotiations  with 
him,  and  got  no  satisfaction  or  conclusion. 
1  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  S.,  iv.  255. 


64  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

The  ship  which  waited  upon  the  will  of  this 
noble  procrastinator  had  a  very  doubtful  future. 
Every  day  at  nine  o'clock  his  lordship  seated  him 
self  at  his  desk,  and  stayed  there  writing  indus 
triously,  hour  after  hour,  upon  his  despatches ; 
every  day  he  foretold  with  much  accuracy  and  posi- 
tiveness  of  manner  that  these  would  surely  be  ready, 
and  the  ship  would  inevitably  sail,  on  the  next  day. 
Thus  week  after  week  glided  by,  and  still  he 
uttered  the  same  prediction,  "  to-morrow,  and  to 
morrow,  and  to-morrow."  Yet  in  spite  of  this  won 
derful  industry  of  the  great  man  his  letters  never 
got  written,  so  that,  says  Franklin,  "  it  was  about 
the  beginning  of  April  that  I  came  to  New  York, 
and  I  think  it  was  the  end  of  June  before  we 
sail'd."  Even  then  the  letters  were  not  ready,  and 
for  two  days  the  vessel  had  to  accompany  his  lord 
ship's  fleet  on  the  way  towards  Louisburg,  before 
she  got  leave  to  go  upon  her  own  proper  voyage. 
It  is  entertaining  to  hear  that  this  same  lord, 
during  his  stay  in  America,  detained  other  packets 
for  other  letters,  until  their  bottoms  got  so  foul 
and  worm-eaten  that  they  were  unseaworthy.  He 
was  irreverently  likened  by  those  who  waited  on 
his  pleasure  to  "  St.  George  on  the  signs,  always  on 
horseback,  and  never  rides  on."  He  was  at  last 
removed  by  Mr.  Pitt,  because  that  energetic  min 
ister  said  "that  he  never  heard  from  him,  and 
could  not  know  what  was  doing." 

Escaping  at  last  from  a  detention  more  tedious, 
if  less  romantic,  than  any  which  ever  befell  Ulysses, 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  65 

Franklin  steered  for  England.  The  vessel  was 
"  several  times  chas'd "  by  French  cruisers,  and 
later  was  actually  within  a  few  lengths  of  being 
wrecked  on  the  Scilly  rocks.  Franklin  wrote  to 
his  wife  that  if  he  were  a  Roman  Catholic  he  should 
probably  vow  a  chapel  to  some  saint ;  but,  as  he 
was  not,  he  should  much  like  to  vow  a  light-house. 
At  length,  however,  he  came  safely  into  Falmouth, 
and  on  July  27,  1757,  arrived  in  London. 

Immediately  he  was  taken  to  see  Lord  Gran- 
ville,  president  of  the  council ;  and  his  account  of 
the  interview  is  too  striking  not  to  be  given  entire. 
His  lordship,  he  says, 

"  received  me  with  great  civility  ;  and  after  some  ques 
tions  respecting  the  present  state  of  affairs  in  America 
and  discourse  thereupon,  he  said  to  me  :  *  You  Americans 
have  wrong  ideas  of  the  nature  of  your  constitution  ;  you 
contend  that  the  king's  instructions  to  his  governors  are 
not  laws,  and  think  yourselves  at  liberty  to  regard  or 
disregard  them  at  your  own  discretion.  But  these  in 
structions  are  not  like  the  pocket  instructions  given  to  a 
minister  going  abroad,  for  regulating  his  conduct  on  some 
trifling  point  of  ceremony.  They  are  first  drawn  up  by 
judges  learned  in  the  laws ;  they  are  then  considered, 
debated,  and  perhaps  amended,  in  council,  after  which 
they  are  signed  by  the  king.  They  are  then,  so  far  as 
they  relate  to  you,  the  law  of  the  land,  for  the  king  is 
the  legislator  of  the  colonies.'  I  told  his  lordship  this 
was  new  doctrine  to  me.  I  had  always  understood  from 
our  charters  that  our  laws  were  to  be  made  by  our  assem 
blies,  to  be  presented  indeed  to  the  king  for  his  royal  as 
sent  ;  but  that  being  once  given,  the  king  could  not  re 


66  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

peal  or  alter  them.  And  as  the  assemblies  could  not 
make  permanent  laws  without  his  assent,  so  neither 
could  he  make  a  law  for  them  without  theirs.  He  assured 
me  I  was  totally  mistaken.  I  did  not  think  so,  however  ; 
and  his  lordship's  conversation  having  somewhat  alarmed 
me  as  to  what  might  be  the  sentiments  of  the  court  con 
cerning  us,  I  wrote  it  down  as  soon  as  I  returned  to  my 
lodgings."  l 

Granville  also  defended  the  recent  act  of  Parlia^ 
ment  laying  "  grievous  restrictions  on  the  export  of 
provisions  from  the  British  colonies,"  the  intent 
being  to  distress  the  American  possessions  of 
France  by  famine.  His  lordship  said  :  "  America 
must  not  do  anything  to  interfere  with  Great  Brit 
ain  in  the  European  markets."  Franklin  replied: 
"  If  we  plant  and  reap,  and  must  not  ship,  your 
lordship  should  apply  to  Parliament  for  transports 
to  bring  us  all  back  again." 

Next  came  an  interview  with  the  proprietaries. 
Each  side  declared  itself  disposed  towards  "rea 
sonable  accommodations  ;  "  but  Franklin  supposed 
that  "  each  party  had  its  own  ideas  of  what  should 
be  meant  by  reasonable."  Nothing  came  of  all 
this  palaver ;  which  only  meant  that  time  was  be 
ing  wasted  to  no  better  purpose  than  to  show  that 
the  two  parties  were  "  very  wide,  and  so  far  from 
each  other  in  [their]  opinions  as  to  discourage  all 
hope  of  agreement."  But  this  had  long  been  evi 
dent.  The  lawyer  of  the  proprietaries  was  then 

1  Works,  i.  295,  296;  see  also  an  account,  substantially  the 
same,  in  letter  to  Bowdoin,  January  13,  1772. 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  67 

put  forward.  He  was  a  "  proud,  angry  man,"  with 
a  "  mortal  enmity  "  toward  Franklin  ;  for  the  two 
had  exchanged  buffets  more  than  once  already,  and 
the  "  proud  angry  man  "  had  been  hit  hard.  It 
had  been  his  professional  duty,  as  counsel  for  the 
Penns,  to  prepare  many  papers  to  be  used  by  their 
governor  in  the  course  of  their  quarrels  with  the 
Assembly.  It  had  usually  fallen  to  Franklin's  lot 
to  draft  the  replies  of  the  Assembly,  and  by  Frank 
lin's  own  admission  these  documents  of  his,  like 
those  which  they  answered,  were  "  often  tart  and 
sometimes  indecently  abusive."  Franklin  now 
found  his  old  antagonist  so  excited  that  it  seemed 
best  to  refuse  to  have  any  direct  dealings  with  him. 
The  proprietaries  then  put  their  interests  in 
charge  of  Attorney-General  Pratt,  afterwards  Lord 
Camden,  and  the  Solicitor-General  Charles  Yorke, 
afterward  Lord  Chancellor.  These  legal  lumina 
ries  consumed  "  a  year,  wanting  eight  days  "  before 
they  were  in  a  condition  to  impart  light ;  and  dur 
ing  that  period  Franklin  could  of  course  achieve 
nothing  with  the  proprietaries.  After  all,  the  pro 
prietaries  ignored  and  insulted  him,  and  made 
further  delay  by  sending  a  message  to  the  Assem 
bly  of  Pennsylvania,  wherein  they  complained  of 
Franklin's  "  rudeness,"  and  professed  themselves 
"  willing  to  accommodate  matters,"  if  a  "  person 
of  candour "  should  be  sent  to  treat  with  them. 
The  only  reply  to  their  message  came  in  the  pointed 
and  intelligible  shape  of  an  act  "  taxing  the  pro 
prietary  estate  in  common  with  the  estates  of  the 


68  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

people."  Much  disturbed,  the  proprietaries  now 
obtained  a  hearing  before  the  king  in  council. 
They  requested  his  majesty  to  set  aside  this  tax 
act,  and  several  other  acts  which  had  been  passed 
within  two  years  by  the  Assembly.  Of  these  other 
acts  some  were  repealed,  according  to  the  prayer  of 
the  proprietaries  ;  but  more  were  allowed  to  stand. 
These  were,  however,  of  comparatively  little  conse 
quence  ;  the  overshadowing  grievance  for  the  Penns 
lay  in  this  taxation  of  their  property.  Concerning 
this  it  was  urged  by  their  counsel  that  the  pro 
prietaries  were  held  in  such  odium  by  the  people 
that,  if  left  to  the  popular  "  mercy  in  apportioning 
the  taxes,  they  would  be  ruined."  The  other  side, 
of  course,  vehemently  denied  that  there  was  the 
slightest  ground  for  such  a  suspicion. 

In  June,  1760,  the  board  of  .trade  rendered  a 
report  very  unfavorable  to  the  Assembly.  Their 
language  showed  that  they  had  been  much  affected 
by  the  appearance  of  popular  encroachments,  and 
by  the  allegations  of  an  intention  on  the  part  of 
the  colonists  "  to  establish  a  democracy  in  place  of 
his  majesty's  government."  Their  advice  was  to 
bring  "  the  constitution  back  to  its  proper  princi 
ples  ;  to  restore  to  the  crown,  in  the  person  of 
the  proprietaries,  its  just  prerogative  ;  to  check  the 
growing  influence  of  assemblies,  by  distinguishing, 
what  they  are  perpetually  confounding,  the  execu 
tive  from  the  legislative  power."  News  of  this 
alarming  document  reached  Franklin  just  as  he 
was  about  to  start  upon  a  trip  through  Ireland. 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  69 

It  put  an  end  to  that  pleasure ;  he  had  to  set  to 
work  on  the  moment,  with  all  the  zeal  and  by  all 
the  means  he  could  compass,  to  counteract  this 
fulmination.  Just  how  he  achieved  so  difficult  an 
end  is  not  recorded;  but  it  appears  that  he  suc 
ceeded  in  securing  a  further  hearing,  in  the  pro 
gress  of  which  Lord  Mansfield  "  rose,  and  beckon 
ing  me,  took  me  into  the  clerk's  chambers,  .  .  . 
and  asked  me,  if  I  was  really  of  opinion  that  no 
injury  would  be  done  to  the  proprietary  estate 
in  the  execution  of  the  act.  I  said :  Certainly. 
'Then,'  says  he,  'you  can  have  little  objection  to 
enter  into  an  engagement  to  assure  that  point.' 
I  answered  :  None  at  all."  Thereupon  a  paper  of 
this  purport,  binding  personally  upon  Franklin 
and  upon  Mr.  Charles,  the  resident  agent  of  the 
Province,  was  drawn  up,  and  was  duly  executed  by 
them  both ;  and  on  August  28th  the  lords  filed  an 
amended  report,  in  which  they  said  that  the  act 
taxing  the  proprietary  estates  upon  a  common 
basis  with  those  of  other  owners  was  "  fundamen 
tally  wrong  and  unjust  and  ought  to  be  repealed, 
unless  six  certain  amendments  were  made  therein." 
These  amendments  were,  in  substance,  the  under 
takings  entered  into  in  the  bond  of  the  colonial 
agents.  Franklin  soon  afterward  had  occasion  to 
review  this  whole  business.  He  showed  that  of  the 
six  amendments,  five  were  immaterial,  since  they 
only  expressed  with  greater  clearness  the  intent  of 
the  Assembly.  He  admitted  that  the  sixth  was  of 
more  consequence.  It  seems  that  £100,000  had 


70  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

been  voted,  appropriated,  raised  and,  expended, 
chiefly  for  the  defense  of  the  colony.  The  manner 
of  doing  this  was  to  issue  paper  money  to  this 
amount,  to  make  it  legal  tender,  and  then  to  retire 
it  by  the  proceeds  of  the  tax  levy.  The  proprie 
taries  insisted  that  they  could  not  be  compelled  to 
receive  their  rents  in  this  money,  and  the  lords 
now  found  for  them.  Franklin  acknowledged  that 
herein  perhaps  the  lords  were  right  and  the  As 
sembly  wrong ;  but  he  added  this  scathing  para 
graph  :  — 

"  But  if  he  cannot  on  these  considerations  quite  ex 
cuse  the  Assembly,  what  will  he  think  of  those  honour 
able  proprietaries,  who,  when  paper  money  was  issued 
in  their  colony  for  the  common  defense  of  their  vast 
estates  with  those  of  the  people,  could  nevertheless  wish 
to  be  exempted  from  their  share  of  the  unavoidable  dis 
advantages.  Is  there  upon  earth  a  man  besides,  with 
any  conception  of  what  is  honest,  with  any  notion  of 
honor,  with  the  least  tincture  in  his  veins  of  the  gentle 
man,  but  would  have  blushed  at  the  thought,  but  would 
have  rejected  with  disdain  such  undue  preference,  if  it 
had  been  offered  him  ?  Much  less  would  he  have  strug 
gled  for  it,  moved  heaven  and  earth  to  obtain  it,  resolved 
to  ruin  thousands  of  his  tenants  by  a  repeal  of  the  act, 
rather  than  miss  of  it,  and  enforce  it  afterwards  by  an 
audaciously  wicked  instruction,  forbidding  aids  to  his 
king,  and  exposing  the  Province  to  destruction,  unless 
it  was  complied  with.  And  yet,  these  are  honourable 
men !  " 

This  was,  however,  altogether  a  subordinate  issue. 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  71 

The  struggle  had  really  been  conducted  to  deter 
mine  whether  the  proprietary  estate  should  be 
taxed  like  other  estates,  and  the  decision  upheld 
such  taxation.  This  was  a  complete  triumph  for 
the  Assembly  and  their  representative.  "  But  let 
the  proprietaries  and  their  discreet  deputies  here 
after  recollect  and  remember,"  said  Franklin,  "  that 
the  same  august  tribunal,  which  censured  some  of 
the  modes  and  circumstances  of  that  act,  did  at  the 
same  time  establish  and  confirm  the  grand  prin 
ciple  of  the  act,  namely  :  4  That  the  proprietary 
estate  ought,  with  other  estates,  to  be  taxed ;  '  and 
thereby  did,  in  effect,  determine  and  pronounce 
that  the  opposition  so  long  made  in  various  shapes 
to  that  just  principle,  by  the  proprietaries,  was 
4  fundamentally  wrong  and  unjust  !  ' 

It  was  a  long  while  before  the  Assembly  found 
leisure  to  attend  to  that  engagement  of  their  agents 
which  stipulated  for  an  investigation  to  see  whether 
the  proprietaries  had  not  been  unduly  and  exces 
sively  assessed.  But  at  length,  after  having  had 
the  spur  of  reminder  constantly  applied  to  their 
laggard  memories,  they  appointed  a  committee  to 
inquire  and  report  concerning  the  valuations  made 
by  the  tax-gatherers. 

This  committee  reported  that  — 

"  there  has  not  been  any  injustice  done  to  the  proprie 
taries,  or  attempts  made  to  rate  or  assess  any  part  of 
their  estates  higher  than  the  estates  of  the  like  kind  be 
longing  to  the  inhabitants  are  rated  and  assessed ;  but, 


72  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

on  the  contrary,  .  .  .  their  estates  are  rated,  in  many 
instances,  below  others." 

So  the  matter  ended. 

Franklin  had  been  detained  a  little  more  than 
three  years  about  this  business.  At  its  conclusion 
he  anticipated  a  speedy  return  home ;  but  he  had 
to  stay  yet  two  years  more  to  attend  to  sundry 
matters  smaller  in  importance,  but  which  were  ad 
vanced  almost  as  slowly.  Partly  such  delay  was 
because  the  aristocrats  of  the  board  of  trade  and 
the  privy  council  had  not  the  habits  of  business 
men,  but  consulted  their  own  noble  convenience  in 
the  transaction  of  affairs;  and  partly  it  was  be 
cause  procrastination  was  purposely  employed  by 
his  opponents,  who  harassed  him  and  blocked  his 
path  by  every  obstacle,  direct  and  indirect,  which 
they  could  put  in  his  way.  For  they  seemed  to 
hope  for  some  turn  in  affairs,  some  event,  or  some 
too  rapid  advance  of  the  popular  party  in  America, 
which  should  arouse  the  royal  resentment  against 
the  colonists  and  so  militate  on  their  side.  Delay 
was  easily  brought  about  by  them.  They  had 
money,  connections,  influence,  and  that  familiarity 
with  men  and  ways  which  came  from  their  residence 
in  England  ;  while  Franklin,  a  stranger  on  an  un 
popular  errand,  representing  before  an  aristocratic 
government  a  parcel  of  tradespeople  and  farmers 
who  lived  in  a  distant  land  and  were  charged  with 
being  both  niggardly  and  disaffected,  found  that 
he  could  make  only  difficult  and  uncertain  progress. 
He  was  like  one  who  sails  a  race  not  only  against 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  73 

hostile  winds  and  tides,  but  also  in  strange  waters 
where  the  shoals  and  rocks  are  unknown,  and  where 
invisible  currents  ceaselessly  baffle  his  course. 
His  lack  of  personal  importance  hampered  him  ex- 
asperatingly.  Thus  during  his  prolonged  stay  he 
repeatedly  made  every  effort  in  his  power  to  obtain 
an  audience  of  William  Pitt.  But  not  even  for 
once  could  he  succeed.  A  provincial  agent,  en 
gaged  in  a  squabble  about  taxing  proprietary  lands, 
was  too  small  a  man  upon  too  small  a  business  to 
consume  the  precious  time  of  the  great  prime  min 
ister,  who  was  endeavoring  to  dominate  the  embroil 
ments  and  intrigues  of  all  Europe,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  machinations  of  his  opponents  at  home.  So 
the  subalterns  of  Mr.  Pitt  met  Franklin,  heard 
what  he  had  to  say,  sifted  it  through  the  sieve  of 
their  own  discretion,  and  bore  to  the  ears  of  their 
principal  only  such  compends  as  they  thought 
worthy  of  attention. 

But  the  vexation  of  almost  endless  delay  had  its 
alleviations,  apparently  much  more  than  enough  to 
offset  it.  Early  in  September,  1757,  that  is  to  say 
some  five  or  six  weeks  after  his  landing,  Franklin 
was  taken  very  ill  of  an  intermittent  fever,  which 
lasted  for  eight  weeks.  During  his  convalescence 
he  wrote  to  his  wife  that  the  agreeable  conversa 
tion  of  men  of  learning,  and  the  notice  taken  of 
him  by  persons  of  distinction,  soothed  him  under 
this  painful  absence  from  family  and  friends ;  yet 
these  solaces  would  not  hold  him  there  another 
week,  were  it  not  for  duty  to  his  country  and  the 


74  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

hope  of  being  able  to  do  it  service.  But  after  the 
early  homesickness  wore  off,  a  great  attachment  for 
England  took  its  place.  He  found  himself  a  man 
of  note  among  scientists  there,  who  gave  him  a 
ready  welcome  and  showed  a  courteous  and  flatter 
ing  recognition  of  his  high  distinction  in  their  pur 
suits.  Thence  it  was  easy  to  penetrate  into  the 
neighboring  circle  of  literature,  wherein  he  made 
warm  personal  friends,  such  as  Lord  Kames,  David 
Hume,  Dr.  Robertson,  and  others.  From  time  to 
time  he  was  a  guest  at  many  a  pleasant  country 
seat,  and  at  the  universities.  He  found  plenty  of 
leisure,  too,  for  travel,  and  explored  the  United 
Kingdom  very  thoroughly.  When  he  went  to  Ed 
inburgh  he  was  presented  with  the  freedom  of  the 
city ;  and  the  University  of  St.  Andrews  conferred 
on  him  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  ;  later,  Ox 
ford  did  the  same.  He  even  had  time  for  a  trip 
into  the  Low  Countries.  As  months  and  finally 
years  slipped  away,  with  just  enough  of  occupation 
of  a  dignified  character  to  save  him  from  an  annoy 
ing  sense  of  idleness,  with  abundant  opportunities 
for  social  pleasure,  and  with  a  very  gratifying  defer 
ence  shown  towards  himself,  Franklin,  who  liked 
society  and  did  not  dislike  flattery,  began  to  think 
the  mother  country  no  such  bad  place.  For  an  in 
tellectual  and  social  career  London  certainly  had 
advantages  over  Philadelphia.  Mr.  Strahan,  the 
well-known  publisher  of  those  days,  whom  Franklin 
used  affectionately  to  call  Straney,  became  his  close 
friend,  and  was  very  insistent  with  him  that  he 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  75 

should  leave  the  Provinces  and  take  up  a  permanent 
residence  in  England.  He  baited  his  hook  with 
an  offer  of  his  son  in  marriage  with  Franklin's 
daughter  Sarah.  He  had  never  seen  Sarah,  but  he 
seems  to  have  taken  it  for  granted  that  any  child 
of  her  father  must  be  matrimonially  satisfactory. 
Franklin  wrote  home  to  his  wife  that  the  young 
man  was  eligible,  and  that  there  were  abundant 
funds  in  the  Strahan  treasury ;  but  that  he  did  not 
suppose  that  she  would  be  able  to  overcome  her 
terror  of  the  ocean  voyage.  Indeed  this  timidity 
on  the  part  of  his  wife  was  more  than  once  put 
forward  by  him  as  if  it  were  really  the  feather 
which  turned  the  scale  in  the  choice  of  his  future 
residence. 

Franklin  himself  also  was  trying  his  hand  at 
match-making.  He  had  taken  a  great  fancy  to  a 
young  lady  by  the  name  of  Mary  Stevenson,  with 
whom,  when  distance  prevented  their  meeting,  he 
kept  up  a  constant  correspondence  concerning  points 
of  physical  science.  He  now  became  very  pressing 
with  his  son  William  to  wed  this  learned  maiden  ; 
but  the  young  man  possibly  did  not  hold  a  taste  for 
science  to  be  the  most  winning  trait  in  woman ;  at 
any  rate,  having  bestowed  his  affections  elsewhere, 
he  refused  to  transfer  them.  So  Franklin  was 
compelled  to  give  up  his  scheme,  though  with  an 
extreme  reluctance,  which  he  expressed  to  the  re 
jected  damsel  with  amusing  openness.  Had  either 
of  these  matrimonial  bonds  been  made  fast,  it  is 
not  improbable  that  Franklin  would  have  lived  out 


76  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

the  rest  of  his  life  as  a  friend  of  the  colonies  in 
England.  But  his  lot  was  otherwise  cast ;  a  second 
time  he  escaped,  though  narrowly,  the  prospect  of 
dying  an  Englishman  and  the  subject  of  a  king. 
At  the  moment  he  was  not  altogether  glad  that 
matters  worked  thus.  On  August  17,  1762,  he 
wrote  from  Portsmouth  to  Lord  Kames :  — 

u  I  am  now  waiting  here  only  for  a  wind  to  waft  me 
to  America  ;  but  cannot  leave  this  happy  island  and  my 
friends  in  it  without  extreme  regret,  though  I  am  going 
to  a  country  and  a  people  that  I  love.  I  am  going  from 
the  old  world  to  the  new ;  and  I  fancy  I  feel  like  those 
who  are  leaving  this  world  for  the  next :  grief  at  the 
parting  ;  fear  of  the  passage  ;  hope  of  the  future.  These 
different  passions  all  affect  their  minds  at  once ;  and 
these  have  tendered  me  down  exceedingly." 

And  six  days  later,  from  the  same  place,  he 
wrote  to  Strahan  :  "I  cannot,  I  assure  you,  quit 
even  this  disagreeable  place,  without  regret,  as  it 
carries  me  still  farther  from  those  I  love,  and  from 
the  opportunities  of  hearing  of  their  welfare.  The 
attraction  of  reason  is  at  present  for  the  other  side 
of  the  water,  but  that  of  inclination  will  be  for  this 
side.  You  know  which  usually  prevails.  I  shall 
probably  make  but  this  one  vibration  and  settle 
here  forever.  Nothing  will  prevent  it,  if  I  can,  as 
I  hope  I  can,  prevail  with  Mrs.  F.  to  accompany 
me,  especially  if  we  have  a  peace."  Apparently 
the  Americans  owe  a  great  debt  of  gratitude  to 
Mrs.  Franklin's  fearfulness  of  the  untrustworthy 
Atlantic. 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  77 

Before  dismissing  this  stay  of  Franklin  in  Eng 
land  a  word  should  be  said  concerning  his  efforts 
for  the  retention  of  Canada  by  the  British,  as 
spoils  of  war.  The  fall  of  Quebec,  in  the  autumn 
of  1759,  practically  concluded  the  struggle  in 
America.  The  French  were  utterly  spent ;  they 
had  no  food,  no  money ;  they  had  fought  with  des 
perate  courage  and  heroic  self-devotion  ;  they  could 
honestly  say  that  they  had  stood  grimly  in  the  last 
trench,  and  had  been  slaughtered  there  until  the 
starved  and  shattered  remnant  could  not  find  it  in 
their  exhausted  human  nature  longer  to  conduct  a 
contest  so  thoroughly  finished.  In  Europe,  France 
was  hardly  less  completely  beaten.  At  the  same 
time  the  singular  position  of  affairs  existed  that 
the  triumphant  conqueror  was  even  more  resolutely 
bent  upon  immediate  peace  than  were  the  con 
quered.  George  III.,  newly  come  to  the  throne, 
set  himself  towards  this  end  with  all  the  obstinacy 
of  his  resolute  nature.  It  became  a  question  of 
terms,  and  eager  was  the  discussion  thereof.  The 
colonies  were  profoundly  interested,  for  a  question 
sharply  argued  was :  whether  England  should  re 
tain  Guadaloupe  or  Canada.  She  had  conquered 
both,  but  it  seemed  to  be  admitted  that  she  must 
restore  one.  It  was  even  then  a  comical  bit  of 
political  mathematics  to  establish  anything  like  an 
equation  between  the  two,  nor  could  it  possibly 
have  been  done  with  reference  to  intrinsic  values. 
It  was  all  very  well  to  dilate  upon  the  sugar  crop 
of  the  island,  its  trade,  its  fertility,  its  harborage. 


78  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Every  one  knew  that  Canada  could  outweigh  all 
these  things  fifty  times  over.  But  into  the  Guada- 
loupe  scale  was  dropped  a  weighty  consideration, 
which  was  clearly  stated  in  an  anonymous  pam 
phlet  attributed  to  William  Burke.  This  writer 
said :  — 

"  If  the  people  of  our  colonies  find  no  check  from 
Canada,  they  will  extend  themselves  almost  without 
bound  into  the  inland  parts.  They  will  increase  infi 
nitely  from  all  causes.  What  the  consequence  will  be, 
to  have  a  numerous,  hardy,  independent  people,  possessed 
of  a  strong  country,  communicating  little  or  not  at  all 
with  England,  I  leave  to  your  own  reflections.  By 
eagerly  grasping  at  extensive  territory  we  may  run  the 
risk,  and  in  no  very  distant  period,  of  losing  what  we 
now  possess.  A  neighbor  that  keeps  us  in  some  awe  is 
not  always  the  worst  of  neighbors.  So  that,  far  from 
sacrificing  Guadaloupe  to  Canada,  perhaps,  if  we  might 
have  Canada  without  any  sacrifice  at  all,  we  ought  not 
to  desire  it.  There  should  be  a  balance  of  power  in 
America.  .  .  .  The  islands,  from  their  weakness,  can 
never  revolt ;  but,  if  we  acquire  all  Canada,  we  shall 
soon  find  North  America  itself  too  powerful  and  too 
populous  to  be  governed  by  us  at  a  distance." 

From  many  other  quarters  came  the  same  warn 
ing  predictions.1 

Franklin  watched  the  controversy  with  deep  in 
terest  and  no  small  anxiety.  As  the  argument 
grew  heated  he  could  no  longer  hold  his  hand ;  he 
cast  into  the  Canadian  scale  an  able  pamphlet,  in- 
i  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  £,  iv.  363-365. 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  79 

genuous  in  the  main  if  not  in  all  the  details.  It  is 
not  worth  while  to  rehearse  what  he  had  to  say 
upon  mercantile  points,  or  even  concerning  the 
future  growth  of  a  great  American  empire.  What 
he  had  really  to  encounter  was  the  argument  that 
it  was  sound  policy  to  leave  Canada  in  possession  of 
the  French.  Those  who  pretended  to  want  Gua- 
daloupe  did  not  so  much  really  want  it  as  they  did 
wish  to  have  Canada  remain  French.  To  make 
good  this  latter  point  they  had  to  show,  first,  that 
French  ownership  involved  no  serious  danger  to 
the  English  possessions;  second,  that  it  brought 
positive  advantages.  To  the  first  proposition  they 
said  that  the  French  had  fully  learned  their  lesson 
of  inferiority,  and  that  a  few  forts  on  the  frontier 
would  easily  overawe  the  hostile  Indians.  To  the 
second  proposition,  they  elaborated  the  arguments 
of  William  Burke.  Franklin  replied  that  the  war- 
parties  of  braves  would  easily  pass  by  the  forts  in 
the  forests,  and  after  burning,  pillaging,  murder 
ing,  and  scalping,  would  equally  easily  and  safely 
return.  Nothing  save  a  Chinese  wall  the  whole 
length  of  the  western  frontier  would  suffice  for  pro 
tection  against  savages.  Then,  with  one  of  those 
happy  illustrations  of  which  he  was  a  master,  he 
said:  "In  short,  long  experience  has  taught  our 
planters  that  they  cannot  rely  upon  forts  as  a 
security  against  Indians  ;  the  inhabitants  of  Hack 
ney  might  as  well  rely  upon  the  Tower  of  London, 
to  secure  them  against  highwaymen  and  house 
breakers."  The  admirable  simile  could  neither  be 
answered  nor  forgotten. 


80  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Concerning  the  positive  desirability  of  leaving 
the  French  as  masters  of  Canada  to  "  check  "  the 
growth  of  the  colonies,  Franklin  indignantly  ex 
claimed  :  "  It  is  a  modest  word,  this  '  check  '  for 
massacring  men,  women,  and  children  !  "  If  Can 
ada  is  to  be  "  restored  on  this  principle,  .  .  .  will 
not  this  be  telling  the  French  in  plain  terms,  that 
the  horrid  barbarisms  they  perpetrate  with  Indians 
on  our  colonists  are  agreeable  to  us  ;  and  that  they 
need  not  apprehend  the  resentment  of  a  govern 
ment  with  whose  views  they  so  happily  concur." 
But  he  had  the  audacity  to  say  that  he  was  abun 
dantly  certain  that  the  mother  country  could  never 
have  any  occasion  to  dread  the  power  of  the  colo 
nies.  He  said :  — 

"  I  shall  next  consider  the  other  supposition,  that  their 
growth  may  render  them  dangerous.  Of  this,  I  own,  I 
have  not  the  least  conception,  when  I  consider  that  we 
have  already  fourteen  separate  governments  on  the 
maritime  coast  of  the  continent ;  and,  if  we  extend  our 
settlements,  shall  probably  have  as  many  more  behind 
them  on  the  inland  side."  By  reason  of  the  different 
governors,  laws,  interests,  religions  and  manners  of 
these,  "  their  jealousy  of  each  other  is  so  great,  that, 
however  necessary  a  union  of  the  colonies  has  long  been, 
for  their  common  defence  and  security  against  their 
enemies,  and  how  sensible  soever  each  colony  has  been 
of  that  necessity,  yet  they  have  never  been  able  to  effect 
such  a  union  among  themselves,  nor  even  to  agree  in  re 
questing  the  mother  country  to  establish  it  for  them." 
If  they  could  not  unite  for  self-defence  against  the 
French  and  the  murderous  savages,  "  can  it  reasonably 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  81 

be  supposed  there  is  any  danger  of  their  uniting  against 
their  own  nation,  which  protects  and  encourages  them, 
with  which  they  have  so  many  connexions  and  ties  of 
blood,  interest,  and  affection,  and  which,  it  is  well 
known,  they  all  love  much  more  than  they  love  one 
another  ? 

"  In  short  there  are  so  many  causes  that  must  operate 
to  prevent  it,  that  I  will  venture  to  say  a  union  amongst 
them  for  such  a  purpose  is  not  merely  improbable,  it  is 
impossible.  And  if  the  union  of  the  whole  is  impossible, 
the  attempt  of  a  part  must  be  madness.  .  .  .  When  I 
say  such  a  union  is  impossible,  I  mean  without  the  most 
grievous  tyranny  and  oppression.  .  .  .  The  waves  do 
not  rise  but  when  the  winds  blow.  .  .  .  What  such  an 
administration  as  the  Duke  of  Alva's  in  the  Netherlands 
might  produce,  I  know  not ;  but  this,  I  think,  I  have  a 
right  to  deem  impossible." 

We  read  these  words,  even  subject  to  the  mild 
saving  of  the  final  sentences,  with  some  bewilder 
ment.  Did  their  shrewd  and  well-informed  writer 
believe  what  he,  said  ?  Was  he  casting  this  polit 
ical  horoscope  in  good  faith?  Or  was  he  only 
uttering  a  prophecy  which  he  desired,  if  possible, 
and  for  his  own  purposes,  to  induce  others  to  be 
lieve?  If  he  was  in  earnest,  Attorney -General 
Pratt  was  a  better  astrologer.  u  For  all  what  you 
Americans  say  of  your  loyalty,"  he  said  to  Franklin, 
"  and  notwithstanding  your  boasted  affection,  you 
will  one  day  set  up  for  independence."  "  No  such 
idea,"  said  Franklin,  "  is  entertained  by  the  Amer 
icans,  or  ever  will  be,  unless  you  grossly  abuse 


82  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

them."  "  Very  true,"  said  Pratt;  "  that  I  see  will 
happen,  and  will  produce  the  event."  l  Choiseul, 
the  able  French  minister,  expressed  his  wonder  that 
the  "  great  Pitt  should  be  so  attached  to  the  acqui 
sition  of  Canada,"  which,  being  in  the  hands  of 
France,  would  keep  the  "  colonies  in  that  depend 
ence  which  they  will  not  fail  to  shake  off  the  mo 
ment  Canada  shall  be  ceded."2  Vergennes  saw 
the  same  thing  not  less  clearly ;  and  so  did  many 
another. 

If  Franklin  was  really  unable  to  foresee  in  this 
business  those  occurrences  which  others  predicted 
with  such  confidence,  at  least  he  showed  a  grand 
conception  of  the  future,  and  his  vision  took  in 
more  distant  and  greater  facts  and  larger  truths 
of  statesmanship  than  were  compassed  by  the  Brit 
ish  ministers.  Witness  what  he  wrote  to  Lord 
Kames  :  — 

"  I  have  long  been  of  opinion  that  the  foundations  of 
the  future  grandeur  and  stability  of  the  British  empire 
lie  in  America.  ...  I  am  therefore  by  no  means  for 
restoring  Canada.  If  we  keep  it,  all  the  country  from 
the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Mississippi  will  in  another  cen 
tury  be  filled  with  British  people.  Britain  itself  will 
become  vastly  more  populous  by  the  immense  increase 
to  its  commerce ;  the  Atlantic  sea  will  be  covered  with 
your  trading  ships  ;  and  your  naval  power,  thence  con 
tinually  increasing,  will  extend  your  influence  round  the 
whole  globe,  and  awe  the  world." 

1  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  S.,  iv.  380. 

2  Ibid.,  iv.  399. 


REPRESENTATIVE  IN  ENGLAND.  83 

Whatever  regret  Franklin  may  have  felt  at  not 
being  able  to  remain  in  England  was  probably 
greatly  mitigated  if  not  entirely  dissipated  by  the 
cordial  reception  which  he  met  with  at  home.  On 
December  2,  1762,  he  wrote  to  Strahan  that  the 
reports  of  the  diminution  of  his  friends  were  all 
false ;  that  ever  since  his  arrival  his  house  had 
been  full  of  a  succession  of  them  from  morning 
till  night,  congratulating  him  on  his  return.  The 
Assembly  honored  him  with  a  vote  of  thanks,  and 
also  voted  him  £3,000  towards  defraying  his  ex 
penses.  It  was,  of  course,  much  less  than  he  had 
expended  during  an  absence  of  nearly  six  years; 
but  it  seems  that  he  considered  that,  since  much  of 
his  time  had  been  passed  in  the  enjoyment  of  an 
agreeable  leisure,  he  should  bear  a  corresponding 
part  of  the  expense.  While  on  the  sea  he  had 
been  chosen  unanimously,  as  indeed  had  been  done 
in  each  year  of  his  absence,  a  member  of  that 
body ;  and  he  was  told  that,  if  he  had  not  got  so 
privately  into  town,  he  should  have  been  met  by 
an  escort  of  500  horsemen.  All  this  must  have 
been  very  gratifying. 

A  different  kind  of  tribute,  somewhat  indirect, 
but  none  the  less  intelligible,  was  at  the  same  time 
paid  to  him  by  the  British  government.  In  the 
autumn  of  1762  his  illegitimate  son,  William 
Franklin,  was  appointed  governor  of  New  Jersey. 
This  act  created  a  great  storm  of  wrath  from  some 
of  the  provincial  aristocratic  party,  and  was  vehe 
mently  railed  at  as  an  "  indignity,"  a  "  dishonor 


84  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

and  disgrace,"  an  "  insult."  After  all,  it  failed  of 
its  obvious  purpose.  The  government  shot  brought 
down  the  wrong  bird,  common  carrion,  while  the 
one  aimed  at  never  swerved  in  the  slightest  from 
his  course.  William,  whom  no  one  cared  for  in 
the  least,  became  a  confirmed  royalist,  and  ulti 
mately,  as  a  Tory  refugee,  for  years  continued  to 
absorb  a  pension  for  which  he  could  return  no 
adequate  consideration.  So  far  as  Benjamin 
Franklin  was  concerned,  he  was  at  first  much 
pleased  ;  but  his  political  views  and  course  were 
not  in  the  slightest  degree  affected.  On  the  con 
trary,  as  the  scheme  developed,  and  the  influence 
on  the  younger  man  became  apparent,  the  final  re 
sult  was  an  alienation  between  father  and  son, 
which  was  only  partially  healed  so  late  as  1784, 
just  before  the  former  returned  from  Europe  for 
the  last  time. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

LIFE   IN   PHILADELPHIA. 

WHEN  Franklin  came  home  he  was  fifty-six 
years  old.  By  nature  he  was  physically  indolent, 
and  fifteen  years  ago  he  had  given  proof  of  his 
desire  for  the  command  of  his  own  time  by  retir 
ing  from  a  lucrative  business.  But  his  forecasting 
of  a  tranquil,  social  career  in  Philadelphia,  with 
science  as  his  chief  and  agreeable  occupation,  was 
still  to  continue  a  day-dream,  interrupted  only  by 
some  thoughts  of  an  English  home.  "Business, 
public  and  private,  consumes  all  my  time ;  I  must 
return  to  England  for  repose.  With  such  thoughts 
I  flatter  myself,  and  need  some  kind  friend  to  put 
me  often  in  mind  that  old  trees  cannot  safely  be 
transplanted."  Thus  he  wrote  to  Mary  Stevenson, 
the  young  lady  whom  he  had  hoped  to  have  as  a 
daughter-in-law. 

His  first  labor  in  the  provinces  came  in  the  shape 
of  a  journey  about  the  country  to  supervise  and 
regulate  the  postal  business.  Upon  this  errand  he 
went  1,600  miles,  which  was  no  slight  matter  as 
travel  was  conducted  in  those  days.  He  started 
in  the  spring  of  1763,  and  did  not  get  back  until 
November.  Upon  his  return  he  found  himself  at 


86  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

once  immersed  in  public  affairs.  In  October,  1763, 
Governor  Hamilton  was  superseded  by  John  Penn, 
nephew  of  the  proprietary  Thomas  Penn. 

"Never,"  said  Franklin,  "did  any  administration 
open  with  a  more  promising  prospect  than  this  of  Gov 
ernor  Penn.  He  assured  the  people  in  his  first  speeches 
of  the  proprietaries'  paternal  regard  for  them,  and  their 
sincere  dispositions  to  do  everything  that  might  promote 
their  happiness.  As  the  proprietaries  had  been  pleased 
to  promote  a  son  of  the  family  to  the  government,  it  was 
thought  not  unlikely  that  there  might  be  something  in 
these  professions  ;  for  that  they  would  probably  choose 
to  have  his  administration  made  easy  and  agreeable,  and 
to  that  end  might  think  it  prudent  to  withdraw  those 
harsh,  disagreeable,  and  unjust  instructions,  with  which 
most  of  his  predecessors  had  been  hampered.  The 
Assembly  therefore  believed  fully  and  rejoiced  sincerely. 
They  showed  the  new  governor  every  mark  of  respect 
and  regard  that  was  in  their  power.  They  readily  and 
cheerfully  went  into  everything  he  recommended  to 
them." 

Moreover,  the  first  event  of  public  importance 
after  Governor  Penn's  advent  had,  in  its  early 
stage,  the  effect  of  drawing  him  very  closely  to 
Franklin.  Some  of  the  settlers  on  the  frontier, 
infuriated  beyond  the  control  of  reason  by  the  In 
dian  marauding  parties,  gathered  together  for  the 
purpose  of  slaughter.  If  they  had  directed  their 
vengeance  against  the  braves,  and  even  all  the 
occupants  of  the  villages  of  the  wilderness,  they 
might  have  been  excused  though  their  vindictive 


LIFE  IN  PHILADELPHIA.  .        87 

rage  led  them  to  retaliate  by  the  same  barbarities 
which  the  red  men  had  practiced  towards  the  whites. 
Unfortunately,  instead  of  courageously  turning 
their  faces  towards  the  forests,  they  turned  their 
backs  in  that  direction,  where  only  there  was  any 
.enemy  to  be  feared,  and  in  a  safe  expedition  they 
wreaked  a  deadly,  senseless,  cowardly,  and  brutal 
vengeance  on  an  unoffending  group  of  twenty  old 
men,  women  and  children,  living  peacefully  and 
harmlessly  near  Lancaster.  The  infamous  story  is 
familiar  in  the  annals  of  Pennsylvania,  as  the 
"Paxton  massacre,"  because  the  "Paxton  boys," 
the  perpetrators,  came  from  the  Scotch-Irish  set 
tlement  bearing  that  name. 

Franklin's  indignation  was  great,  and  he  ex 
pressed  it  forcibly  in  a  pamphlet.  But  many, 
even  of  the  class  which  should  have  felt  with 
him,  were  in  such  a  temper  that  they  would 
condemn  no  act  done  against  an  Indian.  En 
couraged  by  the  prevalence  of  this  feeling,  this 
same  band,  swelled  to  a  numerous  and  really  for 
midable  force,  had  the  audacity  to  start  for  Phila 
delphia  itself,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  massa 
cring  there  a  small  body  of  civilized  Christian  In 
dians,  who  had  fled  thither  for  safety  under  the 
charge  of  their  Moravian  missionary,  and  against 
whom  not  a  complaint  could  be  made.  Panic 
reigned  in  the  City  of  Brotherly  Love,  little  com 
petent  to  cope  with  imminent  violence.  In  the 
crisis  citizens  and  governor  could  conceive  no  more 
hopeful  scheme  than  an  appeal  to  Franklin,  which 


88  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

was  made  at  once  and  urgently.  The  governor 
himself  actually  took  up  his  residence  in  Franklin's 
house,  and  stayed  there  till  the  threat  of  trouble 
passed  over,  speaking,  writing,  and  ordering  only 
at  Franklin's  dictation  —  a  course  which  had  in  it 
more  of  sense  than  of  dignity.  The  appeal  was 
made  in  the  right  quarter.  Already  profoundly 
moved  in  this  matter,  Franklin  was  prompt  and 
zealous  to  save  his  city  from  a  shameful  act,  and 
the  Indians  from  barbarous  murder.  His  efforts 
soon  gathered,  and  after  a  fashion  organized,  a  body 
of  defenders  probably  somewhat  more  numerous 
than  the  approaching  mob.  Yet  a  collision  would 
have  been  most  unfortunate,  whatever  the  result ; 
and  to  avert  it  Franklin  took  it  upon  him  to  go  in 
person  to  meet  the  assailants.  His  courage,  cool 
ness,  and  address  prevailed  ;  he  succeeded  in  satis 
fying  the  "  Paxton  boys  "  that  they  were  so  greatly 
outnumbered,  that,  far  from  attacking  others,  they 
could  only  secure  their  own  safety  by  instant  dis 
persion.  Thus  by  the  resources  and  presence  of 
mind  of  one  man  Philadelphia  was  saved  from  a 
day  of  which  the  bloody  stain  could  never  have 
been  effaced  from  her  good  fame. 

But  Franklin  seemed  for  a  while  to  reap  more 
of  hostility  than  of  gratitude  for  his  gallant  and 
honorable  conduct  in  this  emergency.  Governor 
Penn  was  an  ignoble  man,  and  after  the  danger  was 
over  he  left  the  house,  in  which  he  had  certainly 
played  a  rather  ignominious  part,  with  those  feel 
ings  toward  his  host  which  a  small  soul  inevitably 


LIFE  IN  PHILADELPHIA.  89 

cherishes  toward  a  greater  under  such  circum 
stances.  Moreover,  there  were  very  many  among 
the  people  who  had  more  of  sympathy  with  the 
"  Paxton  boys  "  than  with  the  wise  and  humane 
man  who  had  thwarted  them.  "  For  about  forty- 
eight  hours,"  Franklin  wrote  to  one  of  his  friends, 
"  I  was  a  very  great  man ;  "  but  after  "  the  fight 
ing  face  we  put  on  "  caused  the  insurgents  to  turn 
back,  "  I  became  a  less  man  than  ever ;  for  I  had, 
by  this  transaction,  made  myself  many  enemies 
among  the  populace,"  a  fact  of  which  the  governor 
speedily  took  advantage.  But  without  this  episode 
enmity  between  Penn  and  Franklin  was  inevitable. 
They  served  masters  whose  ends  were  wide  apart ; 
upon  the  one  side  avaricious  proprietaries  of  little 
foresight  and  judgment,  upon  the  other  side  a  peo 
ple  jealous  of  their  rights  and  unwilling  to  leave  to 
any  one  else  the  definition  and  interpretation  of 
them. 

Soon  it  became  known  that  the  instructions  of 
the  new  governor  differed  in  no  substantial  particu 
lar  from  those  of  his  predecessors.  The  procession 
of  vetoes  upon  the  acts  of  the  Assembly  resumed 
its  familiar  and  hateful  march.  A  militia  bill  was 
thus  cut  off,  because,  instead  of  leaving  with  the 
governor  the  nomination  of  regimental  officers,  it 
stipulated  that  the  rank  and  file  should  name  three 
persons  for  each  position,  and  that  the  governor 
should  choose  one  of  these,  —  an  arrangement  bad 
in  itself,  but  perhaps  well  suited  to  the  habits  and 
even  the  needs  of  the  Province  at  that  time.  A  tax 


90  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

bill  met  the  like  fate,  because  it  did  not  discriminate 
in  favor  of  the  located  lands  of  the  proprietaries  by 
rating  their  best  lands  at  no  higher  valuation  than 
the  worst  lands  of  other  persons.  Soon  it  was 
generally  felt  that  matters  were  as  bad  as  ever,  and 
with  scantier  chances  of  improvement.  Then  "  all 
the  old  wounds  broke  out  and  bled  afresh ;  all  the 
old  grievances,  still  un redressed,  were  recollected  ; 
despair  succeeded  of  seeing  any  peace  with  a  family 
that  could  make  such  returns  to  all  overtures  of 
kindness."  The  aggrieved  party  revived  its  scheme 
for  a  transfer  of  the  government  from  the  proprie 
taries  to  the  crown,  and  Franklin  threw  himself 
into  the  discussion  with  more  of  zeal  and  ardor 
than  he  had  often  shown. 

While  the  debates  upon  this  subject  waxed  hot 
in  the  Assembly,  it  was  moved  and  carried  that 
that  body  should  adjourn  for  a  few  weeks,  in  order 
that  members  might  consult  their  constituents  and 
sound  the  public  feeling.  During  this  recess  it 
may  be  conceived  that  neither  side  was  slack  in  its 
efforts.  Franklin  for  his  share  contributed  a  pam 
phlet,  entitled  "  Cool  Thoughts  on  the  Present 
Situation  of  our  Public  Affairs."  "  Mischievous 
and  distressing,"  he  said,  as  the  frequent  disputes 
"  have  been  found  to  both  proprietaries  and  peo 
ple,  it  does  not  appear  that  there  is  any  prospect 
of  their  being  extinguished,  till  either  the  proprie 
tary  purse  is  unable  to  support  them,  or  the  spirit 
of  the  people  so  broken  that  they  shall  be  willing 
to  submit  to  anything  rather  than  continue  them." 


LIFE  IN  PHILADELPHIA.  91 

With  a  happy  combination  of  shrewdness  and 
moderation  he  laid  the  blame  upon  the  intrinsic  na 
ture  of  a  proprietary  government.  "  For  though  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  in  these  as  well  as  in  other  dis 
putes  there  are  faults  on  both  sides,  every  glowing 
coal  being  apt  to  inflame  its  opposite  ;  yet  I  see  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  all  proprietary  rulers  are 
worse  men  than  other  rulers,  nor  that  all  people  in 
proprietary  governments  are  worse  people  than  those 
in  other  governments.  I  suspect,  therefore,  that 
the  cause  is  radical,  interwoven  in  the  constitution, 
and  so  become  the  very  nature,  of  proprietary 
governments  ;  and  will  therefore  produce  its  effects 
as  long  as  such  governments  continue."  It  indi 
cated  a  broad  and  able  mind,  and  one  well  under 
control,  to  assume  as  a  basis  this  dispassionate 
assertion  of  a  general  principle,  amid  such  personal 
heats  as  were  then  inflaming  the  passions  of  the 
whole  community.  His  conclusion  held  one  of  his 
admirable  similes  which  had  the  force  of  argument : 
"  There  seems  to  remain  then  but  one  remedy  for 
our  evils,  a  remedy  approved  by  experience,  and 
which  has  been  tried  with  success  by  other  prov 
inces  ;  I  mean  that  of  an  immediate  Royal  Gov 
ernment,  without  the  intervention  of  proprietary 
powers,  which,  like  unnecessary  springs  and  move 
ments  in  a  machine,  are  so  apt  to  produce  dis 
order." 

Further,  he  held  out  a  bait  to  the  crown :  — 
"  The  expression,  change  of  government,  seems  indeed 
to  be  too  extensive,  and  is  apt  to  give  the  idea  of  a 


92  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

general  and  total  change  of  our  laws  and  constitution. 
It  is  rather  and  only  a  change  of  governor  —  that  is,  in 
stead  of  self-interested  proprietaries,  a  gracious  king. 
His  majesty,  who  has  no  views  but  for  the  good  of  the 
people,  will  thenceforth  appoint  the  governor,  who,  un 
shackled  by  proprietary  instructions,  will  be  at  liberty 
to  join  with  the  Assembly  in  enacting  wholesome  laws. 
At  present,  when  the  king  desires  supplies  of  his  faithful 
subjects,  and  they  are  willing  and  desirous  to  grant  them, 
the  proprietaries  intervene  and  say  :  *  Unless  our  private 
interests  in  certain  particulars  are  served,  nothing  shall 
be  done.'  This  insolent  tribunal  VETO  has  long  encum 
bered  our  public  affairs  and  been  productive  of  many 
mischiefs." 

He  then  drew  a  petition  "  to  the  king's  most  ex 
cellent  majesty  in  council,"  which  humbly  showed 
"  That   the  government  of   this  Province   by   pro 
prietaries  has,  by  long  experience,  been   found   in 
convenient,  attended  by  many  difficulties  and  ob 
structions  to  your  majesty's  service,  arising  from 
the  intervention  of  proprietary  private  interests  in 
public  affairs,  and  disputes  concerning  those  inter 
ests.    That  the  said  proprietary  government  is  weak, 
unable  to  support  its  own  authority,  and  maintain 
the  common  internal  peace  of  the  Province ;  great 
riots  have   lately  arisen    therein.  .  .  .  And  these 
evils  are  not  likely  to  receive  any  remedy  here,  the 
continual  disputes  between  the  proprietaries    and 
people,  and  their  mutual  jealousies   and  dislikes, 
preventing."      Wherefore    his  majesty  was    asked 
to  be  u  graciously  pleased  to  resume  the  govern- 


LIFE  IN  PHILADELPHIA.  93 

ment  of  this  Province,  .  .  .  permitting  your  duti 
ful  subjects  therein  to  enjoy,  under  your  majesty's 
more  immediate  care  and  protection,  the  privileges 
that  have  been  granted  to  them  by  and  under  your 
royal  predecessors." 

The  result  of  feeling  the  public  pulse  showed 
that  it  beat  very  high  and  strong  for  the  proposed 
change.  Accordingly  the  resolution  to  present  the 
petition  was  now  easily  carried.  But  again  the 
aged  speaker,  Norris,  found  himself  called  upon  to 
do  that  for  which  he  had  not  the  nerve.  He  re 
signed  the  speakership  ;  Franklin  was  chosen  in 
his  place  and  set  the  official  signature  to  the  doc 
ument. 

Another  paper  by  Franklin  upon  the  same  sub 
ject,  and  of  considerable  length,  appeared  in  the 
shape  of  a  preface  to  a  speech  delivered  in  the  As 
sembly  by  Joseph  Galloway  in  answer  to  a  speech 
on  the  proprietary  side  by  John  Dickinson,  which 
speech,  also  with  a  long  preface,  had  been  printed. 
In  this  pamphlet  he  reviewed  all  the  recent  history 
of  the  Province.  He  devoted  several  pages  to  a 
startling  exposition  of  the  almost  incredible  usage 
which  had  long  prevailed,  whereby  bills  were  left 
to  accumulate  on  the  governor's  table,  and  then 
were  filially  signed  by  him  in  a  batch,  only  upon 
condition  that  he  should  receive,  or  even  sometimes 
upon  his  simultaneously  receiving,  a  considerable 
douceur.  Not  only  had  this  been  connived  at  by 
the  proprietaries,  but  sometimes  these  payments 
had  been  shared  between  the  proprietaries  and  the 


94  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

governors.  This  topic  Franklin  finally  dismissed 
with  a  few  lines  of  admirable  sarcasm  :  "  Do  not, 
my  courteous  reader,  take  pet  at  our  proprietary 
constitution  for  these  our  bargain  and  sale  proceed 
ings  in  legislation.  It  is  a  happy  country  where 
justice,  and  what  was  your  own  before,  can  be  had 
for  ready  money.  It  is  another  addition  to  the 
value  of  money,  and,  of  course,  another  spur  to  in 
dustry.  Every  land  is  not  so  blessed."  Many 
quotations  from  this  able  state  paper  have  already 
been  made  in  the  preceding  pages,  though  it  is  so 
brilliant  a  piece  of  work  that  to  quote  is  only  to 
mutilate.  Its  argument,  denunciation,  humor,  and 
satire  are  interwoven  in  a  masterly  combination. 
The  renowned  "  sketch  in  the  lapidary  style,"  pre 
pared  for  the  gravestone  of  Thomas  and  Richard 
Penn,  with  the  introductory  paragraphs,  constitutes 
one  of  the  finest  assaults  in  political  literature.1  It 
is  unfortunately  impossible  to  give  any  adequate 
idea  or  even  abstract  of  a  document  which  covers 
so  much  ground  and  with  such  variety  of  treat 
ment.  It  had  of  course  a  powerful  effect  in  stimu 
lating  the  public  sentiment,  and  it  was  especially 
useful  in  supplying  formidable  arguments  to  those 
of  the  popular  way  of  thinking ;  drawing  their 
weapons  from  this  armory,  they  felt  themselves 
invincible. 

But  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  all  this  while 
Franklin  was  treading  the  velvet  path  of  universal 

1  Franklin's  animosity  against  the  Penns  was  mitigated  in  later 
years.    See  Franklin's  Works,  viii.  273. 


LIFE  IN  PHILADELPHIA.  95 

popularity,  amid  the  unanimous  encouragement  of 
his  fellow-citizens,  and  with  only  the  frowns  of  the 
proprietary  officials  to  disturb  his  serenity.  By 
one  means  and  another  the  proprietaries  mustered 
a  considerable  party  in  the  Province,  and  the  hatred 
of  all  these  men  was  concentrated  upon  Franklin 
with  extreme  bitterness.  He  said  that  he  was  "  as 
much  the  butt  of  party  rage  and  malice,"  and  was 
as  much  pelted  with  hostile  prints  and  pamphlets, 
as  if  he  were  prime  minister.  Neither  was  the  no 
tion  of  a  royal  government  looked  upon  with  liking 
even  by  all  those  who  were  indignant  against  the 
present  system.  Moreover  many  persons  still  re 
mained  ill-disposed  towards  him  by  reason  of  his 
opinions  and  behavior  during  the  Paxton  outbreak. 
The  combination  against  him,  made  up  of  all  these 
various  elements,  felt  itself  powerful  enough  for 
mischief,  and  found  its  opportunity  in  the  election 
to  the  Assembly  occurring  in  the  autumn  of  1764. 
The  polls  were  opened  on  October  1,  at  nine 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  throng  was  dense,  and 
the  column  of  voters  could  move  but  slowly.  At 
three  o'clock  of  the  following  morning,  the  voting 
having  continued  during  the  night,  the  friends  of 
the  "  new  ticket,"  that  is  to  say  of  the  new  candi 
date,  moved  to  close  the  polls.  The  friends  of  the 
"old  ticket"  opposed  this  motion  and  unfortu 
nately  prevailed.  They  had  a  "  reserve  of  the  aged 
and  lame,"  who  had  shunned  the  crowd  and  were 
now  brought  in  chairs  and  litters.  Thus  in  three 
hours  they  increased  their  score  by  some  two  hun- 


96  BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN. 

dred  votes.  But  the  other  side  was  not  less  enter 
prising,  and  devoting  the  same  extension  of  time  to 
scouring  Germantown  and  other  neighborhoods, 
they  brought  in  near  five  hundred  additional  votes 
upon  their  side.  It  was  apparently  this  strange 
blunder  of  the  political  managers  for  the  "  old 
ticket "  party  that  was  fatal  to  Franklin,  for  when 
the  votes  were  all  counted  he  was  found  to  be  beaten 
by  a  balance  against  him  of  twenty-five.  He  had 
therefore  evidently  had  a  majority  at  the  hour 
when  his  friends  prevented  the  closing  of  the  polls. 
He  "  died  like  a  philosopher.  But  Mr.  Galloway 
agonized  in  death  like  a  Mortal  Deist,  who  has  no 
Hopes  of  a  Future  Existence."  1 

But  the  jubilation  of  the  proprietary  party  over 
this  signal  victory  was  soon  changed  into  mourning. 
For  within  a  few  days  the  new  Assembly  was  in 
session,  and  at  once  took  into  consideration  the  ap- 
.;  pointment  of  Dr.  Franklin  as  its  agent  to  pre 
sent  to  the  king  in  council  another  petition  for  a 
royal  government.  The  wrath  of  the  other  side 
blazed  forth  savagely.  "  No  measure,"  their  leader, 
Dickinson,  said,  was  "  so  likely  to  inflame  the  re 
sentments  and  embitter  the  discontents  of  the  peo 
ple."  He  "  appealed  to  the  heart  of  every  member 
for  the  truth  of  the  assertion  that  no  man  in  Penn 
sylvania  is  at  this  time  so  much  the  object  of  public 
dislike  as  he  that  has  been  mentioned.  To  what 
a  surprising  height  this  dislike  is  carried  among 

1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  i.  451,  quoting  Life  of  Joseph  Reed, 
i.  37. 


LIFE  IN  PHILADELPHIA.  97 

vast  numbers  "  he  did  "  not  choose  to  repeat.'*  He 
said  that  within  a  few  hours  of  the  nomination 
hundreds  of  the  most  reputable  citizens  had  pro 
tested,  and  if  time  were  given  thousands  "  would 
crowd  to  present  the  like  testimony  against  [him]. 
Why  then  should  a  majority  of  this  House  single 
out  from  the  whole  world  the  man  most  obnoxious 
to  his  country  to  represent  his  country,  though  he 
was  at  the  last  election  turned  out  of  the  Assem 
bly,  where  he  had  sat  for  fourteen  years  ?  Why 
should  they  exert  their  power  in  the  most  disgust 
ing  manner,  and  throw  pain,  terror,  and  displeasure 
into  the  breasts  of  their  fellow-citizens  ?  "  The  ex 
cited  orator  then  threw  out  a  suggestion  to  which 
this  vituperation  had  hardly  paved  a  way  of  roses ; 
he  actually  appealed  to  Franklin  to  emulate  Aris- 
tides,  and  not  be  worse  than  "the  dissolute 
Otho,"  and  to  this  end  urged  that  he  should  dis 
tinguish  himself  in  the  eyes  of  all  good  men  by 
"  voluntarily  declining  an  office  which  he  could  not 
accept  without  alarming,  offending,  and  disturbing 
his  country."  "Let  him,  from  a  private  station, 
from  a  smaller  sphere,  diffuse,  as  I  think  he  may,  a 
beneficial  light ;  but  let  him  not  be  made  to  move 
and  blaze  like  a  comet,  to  terrify  and  to  distress."  1 
The  popular  majority  in  the  Assembly  withstood 
Mr.  Dickinson's  rhetoric,  and,  to  quote  the  forcible 
language  of  Bancroft,  "  proceeded  to  an  act  which  in 
its  consequences  was  to  influence  the  world."  That 
is  to  say,  they  carried  the  appointment.  Franklin 
1  Partou's  Life  of  Franklin,  i.  451,  452. 


98  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

likewise  set  aside  Dickinson's  seductive  counsels, 
and  accepted  the  position. 

It  is  not  in  human  nature  to  be  so  extravagantly 
abused  in  times  of  intense  excitement,  and  wholly 
to  hold  one's  peace.  Even  the  cool  temper  of  Dr. 
Franklin  was  incited  to  a  retort ;  his  defense  was 
brief  and  dignified,  in  a  very  different  tone  from 
that  of  the  aspersions  to  which  it  replied ;  and  it 
carries  that  influence  which  always  belongs  to  him 
who  preserves  moderation  amid  the  passions  of  a 
fierce  controversy.1 

1  See,  for  example,  Franklin's  Works,  iii.  361,  362. 


CHAPTER   V. 

SECOND   MISSION   TO   ENGLAND  :    I. 

FRANKLIN  so  hastened  his  preparations  that  he 
was  ready  to  depart  again  for  England  in  twelve 
days  after  his  election.  There  was  no  money  in 
the  provincial  treasury ;  but  some  of  the  well-to-do 
citizens,  in  expectation  of  reimbursement,  raised 
by  subscription  £1,100.  He  took  only  £500.  A 
troop  of  three  hundred  mounted  citizens  escorted 
him  from  the  city  sixteen  miles  down  the  river  to 
the  ship,  and  "  filled  the  sails  with  their  good 
wishes."  This  parade,  designed  only  as  a  friendly 
demonstration,  was  afterward  made  a  charge  against 
him,  as  an  assumption  of  pomp  and  a  display  of 
popularity.  If  it  had  been  deliberately  planned, 
it  would  have  been  ill-advised ;  but  it  took  him  by 
surprise,  and  he  could  not  prevent  it.  The  ship 
cast  anchor  in  St.  Helen's  Road,  Isle  of  Wight,  on 
December  9,  1764.  He  forthwith  hastened  to  Lon 
don,  and  installed  himself  in  the  familiar  rooms 
at  No.  7  Craven  Street,  Strand.  In  Philadelphia, 
when  the  news  came  of  the  safe  arrival  of  this 
"man  the  most  obnoxious  to  his  country,"  the 
citizens  kept  the  bells  ringing  until  midnight. 

So  altogether  the  prospect   now  seemed  agree- 


100  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

able  in  whatever  direction  Dr.  Franklin  chose  to 
look.  He  was  in  quarters  in  which  he  was  at  least 
as  much  at  home  as  he  could  feel  in  his  house  at 
Philadelphia;  Mrs.  Stevenson,  his  landlady,  and 
her  daughter  Mary,  whom  he  had  sought  to  per 
suade  his  son  to  marry,  upon  the  excellent  ground 
of  his  own  great  affection  for  her,  not  only  made 
him  comfortable  but  saved  him  from  homesickness  ; 
old  and  warm  friends  welcomed  him  ;  the  pleasures 
of  London  society  again  spread  their  charms  be 
fore  him.  Without  the  regrets  and  doubts  which 
must  have  attended  the  real  emigration  which  he 
had  been  half  inclined  to  make,  he  seemed  to  be 
reaping  all  the  gratification  which  that  could  have 
brought  him.  At  the  same  time  he  had  also  the 
pride  of  receiving  from  the  other  side  of  the  Atlan 
tic  glowing  accounts  of  the  esteem  in  which  he  was 
held  by  a  controlling  body  of  those  who  were  still 
his  fellow-citizens  there.  But  already  there  had 
shown  itself  above  the  horizon  a  cloud  which  rap 
idly  rose,  expanded,  and  obscured  all  this  fair  sky. 
Franklin  came  to  England  in  the  anticipation  of 
a  short  stay,  and  with  no  purpose  beyond  the  pres 
entation  and  urging  of  the  petition  for  the  change 
of  government.  Somewhat  less  than  ten  months, 
he  thought,  would  suffice  to  finish  this  business.  In 
fact,  he  did  not  get  home  for  ten  years,  and  this 
especial  errand,  which  had  seemed  all  that  he  had 
to  do,  soon  sank  into  such  comparative  insignifi 
cance  that,  though  not  actually  forgotten,  it  could 
not  secure^. attention.  He  conscientiously  made  re- 


SECOND  MISS-LOW*  J?Q,ptf&L'iAF&i>  .;  101 

peated  efforts  to  keep  the  petition  in  the  memory 
of  the  English  ministry,  and  to  obtain  action  upon 
it ;  but  his  efforts  were  vain  ;  that  body  was  ab 
sorbed  by  other  affairs  in  connection  with  the 
troublesome  American  colonies, —  affairs  which  gave 
vastly  more  perplexity  and  called  for  much  more 
attention  than  were  becoming  in  the  case  of  prov 
inces  that  should  have  been  submissive  as  well- 
behaved  children.  Franklin  himself  found  his  own 
functions  correspondingly  enlarged.  Instead  of  re 
maining  simply  an  agent  charged  with  urging  a 
petition  which  brought  him  in  conflict  only  with 
private  persons,  like  himself  subjects  of  the  king, 
he  found  his  position  rapidly  change  and  develop 
until  he  became  really  the  representative  of  a  dis 
affected  people  maintaining  a  cause  against  the 
monarch  and  the  government  of  the  great  British 
Empire.  It  was  the  "  Stamp  Act "  which  effected 
this  transformation. 

Scarcely  had  the  great  war  with  France  been 
brought  to  a  close  by  the  treaty  of  1763,  bringing 
such  enormous  advantages  to  the  old  British  pos 
sessions  in  America,  before  it  became  apparent 
that  among  the  fruits  some  were  mingled  that  were 
neither  sweet  nor  nourishing.  The  war  had  moved 
the  colonies  into  a  perilous  foreground.  Their  in 
terests  had  cost  much  in  men  and  money,  and  had 
been  worth  all  that  they  had  cost,  and  more  ;  the 
benefits  conferred  upon  them  l^Uhd^een  immense, 
yet  were  recognized  as  not  being  iri  ett£$fr  o£  their 
real  importance,  present  and  future./y,., Worst/of 


1 02  y&M 

the  magnitude  of  their  financial  resources  had  been 
made  apparent ;  without  a  murmur,  without  visible 
injury  to  their  prosperity,  they  had  voluntarily 
raised  large  sums  by  taxation.  Meanwhile  the 
English  treasury  had  been  put  to  enormous  charges, 
and  the  English  people  groaned  beneath  the  un 
wonted  tax  burdens  which  they  had  to  bear.  The 
attention  of  British  financiers,  even  before  the  war 
was  over,  was  turned  toward  the  colonies,  as  a  field 
of  which  the  productive  capacity  had  never  been 
developed. 

So  soon  as  peace  brought  to  the  government 
leisure  to  adjust  domestic  matters  in  a  thorough 
manner,  the  scheme  for  colonial  taxation  came  to 
the  front.  "  America  .  .  .  became  the  great  sub 
ject  of  consideration ;  .  .  .  and  the  minister  who 
was  charged  with  its  government  took  the  leadun 
public  business."  l  This  minister  was  at  first 
Charles  Townshend,  than  whom  no  man  in  Eng 
land,  it  was  supposed,  knew  more  of  the  transat 
lantic  possessions.  His  scheme  involved  a  standing 
army  of  25,000  men  in  the  provinces,  to  be  sup 
ported  by  taxes  to  be  raised  there.  In  order  to 
obtain  this  revenue  he  first  gave  his  care  to  the 
revision  of  the  navigation  act.  Duties  which  had 
been  so  high  that  they  had  never  been  collected  he 
now  proposed  to  reduce  and  to  enforce.  This  was 
designed  to  be  only  the  first  link  in  the  chain,  but 
before  he  could  forge  others  he  had  to  go  out  of 
office  with  the  Bute  ministry.  The  change  in  the 

i  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  S.,  iv.  28. 


SECOND  MISSION   TO  ENGLAND.  103 

cabinet,  however,  made  no  change  in  the  colonial 
policy ;  that  was  not  "  the  wish  of  this  man  or  that 
man,"  but  apparently  of  nearly  all  English  states 
men. 

So  in  March,  1763,  George  Grenville,  in  the 
treasury  department,  took  up  the  plan  which  Town- 
shend  had  laid  down.  Grenville  was  commer 
cially-minded,  and  his  first  efforts  were  in  the  di 
rection  of  regulating  the  trade  of  the  colonies  so 
as  to  carry  out  with  much  more  stringency  and 
thoroughness  than  heretofore  three  principles :  first, 
that  England  should  be  the  only  shop  in  which  a 
colonist  could  purchase ;  second,  that  colonists 
should  not  make  for  themselves  those  articles  which 
England  had  to  sell  to  them ;  third,  that  the  people 
of  different  colonies  should  not  trade  with  each 
other  even  to  the  indirect  or  possible  detriment  of 
the  trade  of  either  with  England.  Severely  as 
these  restrictions  bore  upon  the  colonists,  they  were 
of  that  character,  as  relating  to  external  trade, 
which  no  colonist  denied  to  lie  within  the  jurisdic 
tion  of  Parliament.  But  they  were  not  enough ; 
they  must  be  supplemented  ;  and  a  stamp  act  was 
designed  as  the  supplement.  On  March  9,  1764, 
Grenville  stated  his  intention  to  introduce  such  a 
bill  at  the  next  session  ;  he  needed  the  interval  for 
inquiries  and  preparation.  It  was  no  very  novel 
idea.  It  "  had  been  proposed  to  Sir  Robert  Wai- 
pole  ;  it  had  been  thought  of  by  Pelham ;  it  had 
been  almost  resolved  upon  in  1755  ;  it  had  been 
pressed  upon  Pitt;  it  seems,  beyond  a  doubt,  to 


104  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

have  been  a  part  of  the  system  adopted  in  the 
ministry  of  Bute,  and  it  was  sure  of  the  support  of 
Charles  Townshend.  Knox,  the  agent  of  Georgia, 
stood  ready  to  defend  it.  ...  The  agent  of  Massa 
chusetts  favored  raising  the  wanted  money  in  that 
way."  Little  opposition  was  anticipated  in  Parlia 
ment,  and  none  from  the  king.  In  short,  "  every 
body,  who  reasoned  on  the  subject,  decided  for  a 
stamp  tax."  l  Never  did  any  bill  of  any  legisla 
ture  seem  to  come  into  being  with  better  auspices. 
Some  among  the  colonial  agents  certainly  expressed 
ill  feeling  towards  it ;  but  Grenville  silenced  them, 
telling  them  that  he  was  acting  "  from  a  real  regard 
and  tenderness  "  towards  the  Americans.  He  said 
this  in  perfect  good  faith.  His  views  both  of  the 
law  and  of  the  reasons  for  the  law  were  intelligent 
and  honest ;  he  had  carefully  gathered  information 
and  sought  advice ;  and  he  had  a  profound  belief 
alike  in  the  righteousness  and  the  wisdom  of  the 
measure. 

News  of  what  was  in  preparation  in  England 
reached  Pennsylvania  in  the  summer  of  1764, 
shortly  before  Franklin  sailed.  The  Assembly 
debated  concerning  it ;  Franklin  was  prominent  in 
condemning  the  scheme  ;  and  a  resolution  protest 
ing  against  it  was  passed.  It  was  made  part  of 
Franklin's  duty  in  London  to  urge  upon  Grenville 
these  views  of  Pennsylvania.  But  when  he  arrived 
he  found  that  the  grinding  at  the  mills  of  govern 
ment  was  going  on  much  too  evenly  to  be  disturbed 
1  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  £.,  iv.  155. 


SECOND   MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  105 

by  the  introduction  of  any  such  insignificant  foreign 
substance  as  a  colonial  protest.  Nevertheless  he 
endeavored  to  do  what  he  could.  In  company  with 
three  other  colonial  agents  he  had  an  interview 
with  Grenville,  February  2, 1765,  in  which  he  urged 
that  taxation  by  act  of  Parliament  was  needless, 
inasmuch  as  any  requisition  for  the  service  of  the 
king  always  had  found,  and  always  would  find,  a 
prompt  and  liberal  response  on  the  part  of  the 
Assembly.  Arguments,  however,  and  protests 
struck  ineffectually  against  the  solid  wall  of  Gren- 
ville's  established  purpose.  He  listened  with  a  civil 
appearance  of  interest  and  dismissed  his  visitors 
and  all  memory  of  their  arguments  together.  On 
the  13th  of  the  same  month  he  read  the  bill 
in  Parliament;  on  the  27th  it  passed  the  Com 
mons  ;  on  March  8th,  the  Lords ;  and  on  March 
22d  it  was  signed  by  a  royal  commission ;  the 
insanity  of  the  king  saved  him  from  placing  his 
own  signature  to  the  ill-starred  law.  In  July 
Franklin  wrote  to  Charles  Thomson :  — 

"  Depend  upon  it,  my  good  neighbor,  I  took  every 
step  in  my  power  to  prevent  the  passing  of  the  Stamp 
Act.  Nobody  could  be  more  concerned  and  interested 
than  myself  to  oppose  it  sincerely  and  heartily.  But  the 
tide  was  too  strong  against  us.  The  nation  was  provoked 
by  American  claims  of  independence,  and  all  parties 
joined  in  resolving  by  this  act  to  settle  the  point.  We 
might  as  well  have  hindered  the  sun's  setting.  That  we 
could  not  do.  But  since  it  is  down,  my  friend,  and  it 
may  be  long  before  it  rises  again,  let  us  make  as  good  a 


106  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

night  of  it  as  we  can.  We  can  still  light  candles.  Fru 
gality  and  industry  will  go  a  great  way  towards  indem 
nifying  us.  Idleness  and  pride  tax  with  a  heavier  hand 
than  kings  and  parliaments.  If  we  can  get  rid  of  the 
former,  we  may  easily  bear  the  latter." 

In  such  a  temper  was  he  at  this  time,  and  so  re 
mained  until  he  got  news  of  the  first  mutterings  of 
the  storm  in  the  colonies.  His  words  show  a  dis 
couragement  and  despondency  unusual  with  him ; 
but  what  attracts  remark  is  the  philosophical  pur 
pose  to  make  the  best  even  of  so  bad  a  business, 
the  hopeless  absence  of  any  suggestion  of  a  further 
opposition,  and  that  his  only  advice  is  patient  en 
durance.  Unquestionably  he  did  conceive  the  mat 
ter  to  be  for  the  time  settled.  The  might  of  Eng 
land  was  an  awful  fact,  visible  all  around  him ;  he 
felt  the  tremendous  force  of  the  great  British  peo 
ple  ;  and  he  saw  their  immense  resources  every  day 
as  he  walked  the  streets  of  busy,  prosperous  Lon 
don.  As  he  recalled  the  infant  towns  and  scattered 
villages  of  the  colonies,  how  could  he  contemplate 
forcible  resistance  to  an  edict  of  Parliament  and 
the  king  ?  Had  Otis,  Adams,  Henry,  Gadsden,  and 
the  rest  seen  with  their  bodily  eyes  what  Franklin 
was  seeing  every  day,  their  words  might  have  been 
more  tempered.  Even  a  year  later,  in  talk  with  a 
gentleman  who  said  that  so  far  back  as  1741  he 
had  expressed  an  opinion  that  the  colonies  "  would 
one  day  release  themselves  from  England,"  Frank 
lin  answered,  "  with  his  earnest,  expressive,  and 
intelligent  face  :  "  u  Then  you  were  mistaken  ;  the 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  107 

Americans  have  too  much  love  for  their  mother 
country  ;  "  and  he  added  that  "  secession  was  im 
possible,  for  all  the  American  towns  of  importance, 
Boston,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia,  were  exposed 
to  the  English  navy.  Boston  could  be  destroyed 
by  bombardment."  Near  the  same  time  he  said  to 
Ingersoll  of  Connecticut,  who  was  about  departing 
for  the  colonies :  "  Go  home  and  tell  your  country 
men  to  get  children  as  fast  as  they  can."  By  no 
means  without  forebodings  for  the  future,  he  was 
yet  far  from  fancying  that  the  time  had  come  when 
physical  resistance  was  feasible.  It  seemed  still 
the  day  for  arguments,  not  for  menaces. 

To  Franklin  in  this  frame  of  mind,  never  doubt 
ing  that  the  act  would  be  enforced,  there  was 
brought  a  plausible  message  from  Grenville.  The 
minister  desired  *'  to  make  the  execution  of  the  act 
as  little  inconvenient  and  disagreeable  to  America 
as  possible,"  and  to  this  end  he  preferred  to  nomi 
nate  as  stamp  distributers  "  discreet  and  reputa 
ble  "  residents  in  the  Province,  rather  than  to  send 
over  strangers  from  Great  Britain.  Accordingly 
he  solicited  a  nomination  from  Franklin  of  some 
"  honest  and  responsible "  man  in  Philadelphia. 
Franklin  readily  named  a  trustworthy  merchant  of 
his  acquaintance,  Mr.  Hughes.  The  Stamp  Act 
itself  hardly  turned  out  a  greater  blunder  for  Gren 
ville  than  this  well-meant  suggestion  was  near  turn 
ing  out  for  Franklin.  When  the  Philadelphians 
got  news  of  the  passage  of  the  act,  the  prepara 
tions  for  its  enforcement,  the  nomination  of  Mr. 


108  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Hughes,  and  the  fact  that  he  had  been  suggested 
by  Franklin,  the  whole  city  rose  in  a  wild  frenzy 
of  rage.  Never  was  such  a  sudden  change  of  feel 
ing.  He  who  had  been  their  trusted  companion 
was  now  loudly  reviled  as  a  false  and  truckling 
traitor.  He  was  said  to  have  deserted  his  own,  and 
to  have  gone  over  to  the  minister's  side;  to  have 
approved  the  odious  law,  and  to  have  asked  that  a 
position  under  it  might  be  given  to  his  friend.  The 
mobs  ranging  the  streets  threatened  to  destroy  the 
new  house,  in  which  he  had  left  his  wife  and  daugh 
ter.  The  latter  was  persuaded  to  seek  safety  in 
Burlington ;  but  Mrs.  Franklin,  with  admirable 
courage,  stayed  in  the  house  till  the  danger  was 
over.  Some  armed  friends  stood  ready  to  assist  if 
the  crisis  should  come,  but  fortunately  it  passed  by. 
All  sorts  of  stories  were  spread  concerning  Frank 
lin, —  even  that  it  was  he  who  had  "planned  the 
Stamp  Act ;  "  and  that  he  was  endeavoring  also  to 
get  the  Test  Act  introduced  into  the  colonies !  A 
caricature  represented  the  devil  whispering  into  his 
ear :  "  Ben,  you  shall  be  my  agent  throughout  my 
dominions." 

Knowing  Franklin's  frame  of  mind,  it  is  easy  to 
fancy  the  surprise  with  which  he  learned  of  the 
spirit  which  had  blazed  forth  in  the  colonies,  and 
of  the  violent  doings  in  many  places  ;  and  we  may 
imagine  the  pain  and  mortification  with  which  he 
heard  of  the  opinions  expressed  by  his  fellow-citi 
zens  concerning  his  own  action.  He  said  little  at 
the  time,  so  far  as  we  know ;  but  many  years  after- 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  109 

wards  he  gave  a  narrative  of  his  course  in  language 
which  was  almost  apologetic  and  deprecatory.  A 
pen  in  his  fingers  became  a  sympathetic  instrument, 
and  betrays  sometimes  what  his  moderate  language 
does  not  distinctly  state.  The  intense,  bitter  con 
demnation  vented  by  his  constituents,  who  so  lately 
had  been  following  his  lead,  but  who  now  reviled 
a  representative  who  had  misrepresented  them  in 
so  vital  an  affair,  cut  its  way  deep. 

The  gap  between  him  and  them  did  indeed  seem 
a  wide  one.  In  the  colonies  there  was  universal 
wrath,  oftentimes  swelling  into  fury  ;  in  some  places 
mobs,  much  sacking  of  houses,  hangings  and  burn 
ings  in  effigy  ;  compulsion  put  upon  kings'  officers 
publicly  to  resign  their  offices  ;  wild  threats  and 
violence ;  obstruction  to  the  distribution  of  the 
stamped  paper  ;  open  menaces  of  forcible  resistance, 
even  of  secession  and  rebellion ;  a  careful  estimat 
ing  of  the  available  armed  forces  among  the  colo 
nies  ;  the  proposal  for  a  congress  of  colonies  to 
promote  community  of  action,  to  protest,  and  to 
consult  for  the  common  cause  ;  disobedient  resolu 
tions  by  legislatures;  a  spreading  of  the  spirit  of 
colonial  union  by  the  general  cry  of  "  Join  or  die ; " 
agreements  not  to  import  or  use  articles  of  English 
manufacture,  with  other  sunderings  of  commercial 
relations.  Far  behind  this  mad  procession,  of  which 
the  more  moderate  divisions  were  marshalled  by 
Otis,  Sam  Adams,  and  Gadsden,  and  soon  also  by 
John  Adams  and  Patrick  Henry,  and  by  many 
other  well-known  "patriots,"  Franklin  appeared  to 


110  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

be  a  laggard  in  the  rear  distance,  with  disregarded 
arguments  and  protests,  with  words  of  moderation, 
even  counsels  of  submission,  nay,  actually  with  a 
sort  of  connivance  in  the  measure  by  the  nomina 
tion  of  an  official  under  it. 

Yet  the  intervening  space  was  not  so  great  as  it 
appeared.  There  was  nothing  in  the  counsels  of  the 
reasonable  and  intelligent  "  patriots  "  which  was  re 
pugnant  to  Franklin's  opinions.  So  soon  as  he  saw 
the  ground  upon  which  they  had  placed  themselves, 
he  made  haste  to  come  into  position  with  them.  It 
was  fortunate  indeed  that  the  transient  separation 
was  closed  again  before  it  could  lead  to  the  calam 
ity  of  his  removal  from  his  office.  For  no  man  or 
even  combination  of  men,  whom  it  was  possible  to 
send  from  the  provinces,  could  have  done  them  the 
services  which  Franklin  was  about  to  render.  Be 
sides  the  general  power  of  his  mind,  he  had  peculiar 
fitnesses.  He  was  widely  known  and  very  highly 
esteemed  in  England,  where  he  moved  in  many 
circles.  Among  members  of  the  nobility,  among 
men  high  in  office,  among  members  of  Parliament, 
among  scientific  men  and  literary  men,  among  men 
of  business  and  affairs,  and  among  men  who  made  a 
business  of  society,  he  was  always  welcome.  In  that 
city  in  which  dinners  constituted  so  important  an 
element  in  life,  even  for  the  most  serious  purposes, 
he  was  the  greatest  of  diners-out;  while  at  the  cof 
fee-houses,  clubs,  and  in  the  old-fashioned  tavern 
circles  no  companion  was  more  highly  esteemed 
than  he.  He  consorted  not  only  with  friends  of  the 


SECOND   MISSION   TO   ENGLAND.  Ill 

colonies,  but  was,  and  for  a  long  time  continued  to 
be,  on  intimate  terms  of  courteous  intercourse  also 
with  those  who  were  soon  to  be  described  as  their 
enemies.  Each  and  all,  amid  this  various  and  ex 
tensive  acquaintance,  listened  to  him  with  a  respect 
no  tithe  of  which  could  have  been  commanded  by 
any  other  American  then  living.  The  force  of  his 
intelligence,  the  scope  of  his  understanding,  the 
soundness  of  his  judgment,  had  already  been  appre 
ciated  by  men  accustomed  to  study  and  to  estimate 
the  value  of  such  traits.  His  knowledge  of  Ameri 
can  affairs,  of  the  trade  and  business  of  the  prov 
inces,  of  the  characteristics  of  the  people  in  differ 
ent  parts  of  the  country,  were  very  great,  because 
of  his  habit  of  shrewd  observation,  of  his  taste  for 
practical  matters,  and  of  his  extensive  travels  and 
connections  as  postmaster.  Add  to  this  that  he  had 
a  profound  affection  for  the  mother  country,  which 
was  not  only  a  tradition  and  a  habit,  but  a  warm 
and  lively  attachment  nourished  by  delightful  per 
sonal  experience,  by  long  residence  and  numerous 
friendships,  by  gratifying  appreciation  of  and  com 
pliments  to  himself.  No  one  could  doubt  his  sin 
cerity  when  he  talked  of  his  love  for  England  as  a 
real  and  influential  sentiment.  At  the  same  time 
he  was  an  American  and  a  patriot.  Though  he  had 
failed  to  anticipate  the  state  of  feeling  which  the 
Stamp  Act  begot,  it  was  his  only  failure  of  this 
kind ;  generally  he  spoke  the  sentiments  of  the  col 
onists  with  entire  truth  and  sympathy.  He  was 
one  who  could  combine  force  with  moderation  in 


112  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

the  expression  of  his  views,  the  force  being  all  the 
greater  for  the  moderation  ;  he  had  an  admirable 
head  to  conceive  an  argument,  a  tongue  and  pen  to 
state  it  clearly  and  pointedly.  He  had  presence 
of  mind  in  conversation,  was  ready  and  quick  at 
fence ;  he  was  widely  learned ;  he  was  a  sounder 
political  economist  than  any  member  of  the  Eng 
lish  government ;  above  all,  he  had  an  unrivaled 
familiarity  with  the  facts,  the  arguments,  and  the 
people  on  both  sides  of  the  controversy;  he  kept 
perfect  control  of  his  temper,  without  the  least  loss 
of  earnestness ;  and  had  the  rare  faculty  of  being 
able  to  state  his  own  side  with  plain  force,  and  yet 
without  giving  offense.  Such  were  his  singular 
qualifications,  which  soon  enabled  him  to  perform 
the  greatest  act  of  his  public  life. 

Matters  came  by  degrees  into  better  shape  for 
the  colonies.  In  politics  any  statesman  has  but 
to  propose  a  measure  to  find  it  opposed  by  those 
who  oppose  him.  So  what  had  seemed  an  univer 
sal  willingness  to  levy  internal  taxes  upon  the  col 
onies  soon  lost  this  aspect.  No  sooner  did  the 
news  from  the  angry  colonies  bring  the  scheme  into 
prominence  than  the  assaults  upon  it  became 
numerous,  and  enemies  of  Grenville  became  friends 
of  America.  Arguments  so  obvious  and  so  strong 
as  those  against  the  measure  were  eagerly  made 
the  most  of  by  the  opponents  of  the  men  who  were 
in  office.  Among  these  opponents  was  Pitt,  that 
formidable  man  before  whom  all  trembled.  Gout 
had  disabled  him,  but  who  could  tell  when  he 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  113 

might  get  sufficient  respite  to  return  and  deal 
havoc  ?  Yet  in  spite  of  all  that  was  said,  the  minis 
try  seemed  impregnable.  Grenville  was  very  able, 
always  of  a  stubborn  temper,  and  in  this  especial 
case  convinced  to  the  point  of  intensity  that  the 
right  lay  with  him  ;  moreover,  he  was  complete 
master  in  Parliament,  where  his  authority  seemed 
still  to  increase  steadily.  No  man  was  sanguine 
enough  to  see  hope  for  the  colonies,  when  suddenly 
an  occurrence,  which  in  this  age  could  not  appreci 
ably  affect  the  power  of  an  English  premier,  snapped 
Grenville's  sway  in  a  few  days.  This  was  only  the 
personal  pique  of  the  king,  irritated  by  complaints 
made  by  the  Duke  of  Bedford  about  the  favorite, 
Bute.  For  such  a  cause  George  III.  drove  out  of 
office,  upon  grounds  of  his  own  dislike,  a  prime 
minister  and  cabinet  with  whom  he  was  in  substan 
tial  accord  upon  the  most  important  public  matters 
then  under  consideration,  and  although  it  was  al 
most  impossible  to  patch  together  any  tolerably 
congruous  or  competent  body  of  successors. 

Pitt  endeavored  to  form  a  cabinet,  but  was 
obliged,  with  chagrin,  to  confess  his  inability.  At 
last  the  Duke  of  Cumberland  succeeded  in  forming 
the  so-called  Rockingham  Cabinet,  a  weak  combi 
nation,  but  far  less  unfavorable  than  its  predecessor 
towards  America.  The  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  as 
prime  minister,  had  Edmund  Burke  as  his  private 
secretary ;  while  General  Conway,  one  of  the  very 
few  who  had  opposed  the  Stamp  Act,  now  actually 
received  the  southern  department  of  state  within 


114  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

which  the  colonies  were  included.  Still  there 
seemed  little  hope  for  any  undoing  of  the  past, 
which  probably  would  never  have  been  wrung 
from  this  or  any  British  ministry  so  long  as  all  the 
discontent  was  on  the  other  side  of  three  thousand 
miles  of  ocean.  But  this  was  ceasing  to  be  the  case. 
The  American  weapon  of  non-importation  was 
proving  most  efficient.  In  the  provinces  the  cus 
tom  of  wearing  mourning  was  abandoned  ;  no  one 
killed  or  ate  lamb,  to  the  end  that  by  the  increase 
of  sheep  the  supply  of  wool  might  be  greater; 
homespun  was  now  the  only  wear  ;  no  man  would 
be  seen  clad  in  English  cloth.  In  a  word,  through 
out  America  there  was  established  what  would  now 
be  called  a  thorough  and  comprehensive  "  boycott " 
against  all  articles  of  English  manufacture.  So 
very  soon  the  manufacturers  of  the  mother  country 
began  to  find  themselves  the  only  real  victims  of  the 
Stamp  Act.  In  America  it  was  inflicting  no  harm, 
but  rather  was  encouraging  economy,  enterprise, 
and  domestic  industry;  while  the  sudden  closing 
of  so  enormous  a  market  brought  loss  and  bank 
ruptcy  to  many  an  English  manufacturer  and  ware 
houseman.  Shipping,  too,  was  indirectly  affected. 
An  outcry  for  the  change  of  a  disastrous  policy 
swelled  rapidly  in  the  manufacturing  and  trading 
towns  ;  and  erelong  the  battle  of  the  colonists  was 
being  fought  by  allies  upon  English  soil,  who  were 
stimulated  by  the  potent  impulse  of  self-preserva 
tion.  These  men  cared  nothing  for  the  principle 
at  stake,  nothing  for  the  colonists  personally  ;  but 


SECOND   MISSION   TO  ENGLAND.  115 

they  cared  for  the  business  by  which  they  sustained 
their  own  homes,  and  they  were  resolved  that  the 
destroying  Stamp  Act  should  be  got  out  of  their 
way.  Such  an  influence  was  soon  felt.  Death 
also  came  in  aid  of  the  Americans,  removing  in 
good  time  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  the  merciless 
conqueror  of  Culloden,  who  now  was  all  ready  to 
fight  it  out  with  the  colonies,  and  only  thus  lost 
the  chance  to  do  so. 

Beneath  the  pressure  of  these  events  concession 
began  to  be  talked  of,  though  at  first  of  course  its 
friends  were  few  and  its  enemies  many.  Charles 
Townshend  announced  himself  able  to  contemplate 
with  equanimity  the  picture  of  the  colonies  relaps 
ing  "  to  their  primitive  deserts."  But  the  trouble 
was  that  little  deserts  began  to  spot  the  face  of 
England  ;  and  still  the  British  merchant,  who  sel 
dom  speaks  long  in  vain,  was  increasing  his  clamor, 
and  did  not  fancy  the  prospect  of  rich  trading  fields 
reduced  to  desolation.  In  January,  1766,  too,  the 
dreaded  voice  of  Pitt  again  made  itself  heard  in 
St.  Stephen's,  sending  forth  an  eloquent  harangue 
for  America :  "  The  Americans  are  the  sons,  not 
the  bastards,  of  England.  As  subjects  they  are  en 
titled  to  the  common  right  of  representation,  and 
cannot  be  bound  to  pay  taxes  without  their  consent. 
Taxation  is  no  part  of  the  governing  power.1  The 
taxes  are  a  voluntary  gift  and  grant  by  the  Com- 

1  Grenville  had  laid  down  the  proposition  that  England  was 
"the  sovereign,  the  supreme  legislative  power  over  America," 
and  that  "  taxation  is  a  part  of  that  sovereign  power." 


116  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

mons  alone.  In  an  American  tax  what  do  we  do  ? 
We,  your  Majesty's  Commons  of  Great  Britain, 
give  and  grant  to  your  Majesty  —  what  ?  Our 
own  property  ?  No !  we  give  and  grant  to  your 
Majesty  the  property  of  your  Majesty's  commons 
in  America.  It  is  an  absurdity  in  terms."  1  "  The 
idea  of  a  virtual  representation  of  America  in  this 
House  is  the  most  contemptible  that  ever  entered 
into  the  head  of  man."  "  I  never  shall  own  the 
justice  of  taxing  America  internally  until  she  en 
joys  the  right  of  representation."  Not  very  many 
men  in  either  house  of  Parliament  would  go  the 
full  logical  length  of  Pitt's  argument ;  but  men 
who  held  views  quite  opposite  to  his  as  to  the  law 
ful  authority  of  Parliament  to  lay  this  tax  were 
beginning  to  feel  that  they  must  join  him  in  get 
ting  it  out  of  the  way  of  domestic  prosperity  in 
England.  It  seemed  to  them  a  mistaken  exer 
cise  of  an  unquestionable  right.  They  were  pre 
pared  to  correct  the  mistake,  which  could  be  done 
without  abandoning  the  right.  As  this  feeling  vis 
ibly  gained  ground  the  ministry  gathered  courage 
to  consider  the  expediency  of  introducing  a  bill  to 
repeal  the  act.  Could  the  king  have  had  his  way 
they  would  not  have  survived  in  office  to  do  so. 
He  would  have  had  their  ministerial  heads  off,  as  he 
had  stricken  those  of  their  immediate  predecessors. 
But  efforts  which  he  made  to  find  successors  for 
them  were  fruitless,  and  so  they  remained  in  places 
which  no  others  could  be  induced  to  fill.  Pitt  was 
1  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  S.,  v.  385-387. 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  117 

sounded,  to  see  whether  he  would  ally  himself  with 
them  ;  but  he  would  not.  Had  he  been  gained  the 
fight  would  not  have  come  simply  upon  the  repeal 
of  the  act  as  unsatisfactory,  but  as  being  contrary 
to  the  constitution  of  England.  The  narrower 
battle-ground  was  selected  by  Rockingham. 

The  immediate  forerunner  in  Parliament  of  the 
repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  was  significant.  A  reso 
lution  was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Lords, 
February  3,  1766,  that  the  "  king  in  Parliament 
has  full  power  to  bind  the  colonies  and  people  of 
America  in  all  cases  whatsoever."  The  debate 
which  followed  showed  what  importance  this  Amer 
ican  question  had  assumed  in  England ;  the  expres 
sion  of  feeling  was  intense,  the  display  of  ability 
very  great.  Lord  Camden  and  Lord  Mansfield  en 
countered  each  other  ;  but  the  former,  with  the  best 
of  the  argument,  had  much  the  worst  of  the  divi 
sion.  One  hundred  and  twenty-five  peers  voted  for 
the  resolution,  only  five  against  it.  In  the  Com 
mons,  Pitt  assailed  the  resolution,  with  no  better 
success  than  had  attended  Camden.  No  one  knew 
how  many  voted  Nay,  but  it  was  "  less  than  ten 
voices,  some  said  five  or  four,  some  said  but  three."  ] 
Immediately  after  this  assertion  of  a  principle,  the 
same  Parliament  prepared  to  set  aside  the  only 
application  of  it  which  had  ever  been  attempted. 
It  was  well  understood  that  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act  was  close  at  hand. 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Franklin,  who  had 

1  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  S.,  v.  417. 


118  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

been  by  no  means  idle  during  the  long  struggle, 
appeared  as  a  witness  in  that  examination  which 
perhaps  displayed  his  ability  to  better  advantage 
than  any  other  single  act  in  his  life.  It  was  be 
tween  February  3  and  13,  1766,  that  he  and  others 
were  summoned  to  give  testimony  concerning  the 
colonies  at  the  bar  of  the  House  of  Commons 
sitting  in  committee  of  the  whole.  The  others 
have  been  forgotten,  but  his  evidence  never  will  be. 
The  proceeding  was  striking ;  there  were  some  of 
the  cleverest  and  most  experienced  men  in  England 
to  question  him ;  no  one  of  them  singly  was  his 
match ;  but  there  were  many  of  them,  and  they 
conducted  an  examination  and  a  cross-examination 
both  in  one ;  that  is  to  say,  those  who  wished  to 
turn  a  point  against  him  might  at  any  moment 
interpose  with  any  question  which  might  suddenly 
confuse  or  mislead  him.  But  no  man  was  ever 
better  fitted  than  Franklin  to  play  the  part  of  a 
witness,  and  no  record  in  politics  or  in  law  can 
compare  with  the  report  of  his  testimony.  Some 
persons  have  endeavored  to  account  for,  which 
means  of  course  to  detract  from,  its  extraordinary 
merit  by  saying  that  some  of  the  questions  and 
replies  had  been  prearranged ;  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  such  prearrangement  went  further 
than  that  certain  friendly  interrogators  had  dis 
cussed  the  topics  with  him  so  as  to  be  familiar  with 
his  views.  Every  lawyer  does  this  with  his  wit 
nesses.  Nor  can  it  be  supposed  that  the  admirable 
replies  which  he  made  to  the  enemies  of  America 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  119 

were  otherwise  than  strictly  impromptu.  He  had 
thorough  knowledge  of  the  subject ;  he  was  in  per 
fect  control  of  his  head  and  his  temper  ;  his  ex 
traordinary  faculty  for  clear  and  pithy  statement 
never  showed  to  better  advantage ;  he  was,  as  al 
ways,  moderate  and  reasonable ;  but  above  all  the 
wonderful  element  was  the  quick  wit  and  ready 
skill  with  which  he  turned  to  his  own  service  every 
query  which  was  designed  to  embarrass  him ;  and 
this  he  did  not  in  the  vulgar  way  of  flippant  retort 
or  disingenuous  twistings  of  words  or  facts,  but 
with  the  same  straightforward  and  tranquil  sim 
plicity  of  language  with  which  he  delivered  evidence 
for  the  friendly  examiners.  Burke  likened  the 
proceeding  to  an  examination  of  a  master  by  a 
parcel  of  schoolboys. 

Franklin  used  to  say,  betwixt  plaint  and  humor, 
that  it  always  seemed  to  him  that  no  one  ever  gave 
an  abbreviation  or  an  abstract  of  anything  which 
he  had  written,  without  very  nearly  spoiling  the 
original.  This  would  be  preeminently  true  of  an 
abstract  of  this  examination  ;  abbreviation  can  be 
only  mutilation.  It  ranged  over  a  vast  ground,  — 
colonial  history  and  politics,  political  economy, 
theories  and  practice  in  colonial  trade,  colonial 
commerce  and  industry,  popular  opinions  and  sen 
timent,  and  the  probabilities  of  action  in  supposed 
cases.  His  answers  made  a  great  stir ;  they  were 
universally  admitted  to  have  substantially  advanced 
the  day  of  repeal.  They  constituted  the  abundant 
armory  to  which  the  friends  of  the  colonies  resorted 


120  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

for  weapons  offensive  and  defensive,  for  facts  and 
for  ideas.  He  himself,  with  just  complacency,  re 
marked  :  "  The  then  ministry  was  ready  to  hug  me 
for  the  assistance  I  afforded  them."  The  "Gentle 
man's  Magazine  "  said  :  — 

"  From  this  examination  of  Dr.  Franklin  the  reader 
may  form  a  clearer  and  more  comprehensive  idea  of  the 
state  and  disposition  in  America,  of  the  expediency  or 
inexpediency  of  the  measure  in  question,  and  of  the 
character  and  conduct  of  the  minister  who  proposed  it, 
than  from  all  that  has  been  written  upon  the  subject  in 
newspapers  and  pamphlets,  under  the  titles  of  essays, 
letters,  speeches,  and  considerations,  from  the  first 
moment  of  its  becoming  the  subject  of  public  attention 
until  now.  The  questions  in  general  are  put  with  great 
subtlety  and  judgment,  and  they  are  answered  with  such 
deep  and  familiar  knowledge  of  the  subject,  such  pre 
cision  and  perspicuity,  such  temper  and  yet  such  spirit, 
as  do  the  greatest  honor  to  Dr.  Franklin,  and  justify  the 
general  opinion  of  his  character  and  abilities." 

Like  praises  descended  from  every  quarter. 

One  interesting  fact  clearly  appears  from  this 
examination :  that  Franklin  now  fully  understood 
the  colonial  sentiment,  and  was  thoroughly  in 
accord  with  it.  Being  asked  whether  the  colonists 
"  would  submit  to  the  Stamp  Act,  if  it  were  modi 
fied,  the  obnoxious  parts  taken  out,  and  the  duty 
reduced  to  some  particulars  of  small  moment,"  he 
replied  with  brief  decision  :  "  No,  they  will  never 
submit  to  it."  As  to  how  they  would  receive  "a 
future  tax  imposed  on  the  same  principle,"  he  said, 


SECOND   MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  121 

with  the  same  forcible  brevity:  "  Just  as  they  do 
this  :  they  would  not  pay  it."  Q.  "  Can  anything 
less  than  a  military  force  carry  the  Stamp  Act  into 
execution?  A.  I  do  not  see  how  a  military  force 
can  be  applied  to  that  purpose.  Q.  Why  may  it 
not?  A.  Suppose  a  military  force  sent  into  Amer 
ica,  they  will  find  nobody  in  arms.  What  are  they 
then  to  do?  They  cannot  force  a  man  to  take 
stamps  who  chooses  to  do  without  them.  They  will 
not  find  a  rebellion ;  they  may  indeed  make  one. 
Q.  If  the  act  is  not  repealed,  what  do  you  think 
will  be  the  consequences?  A.  A  total  loss  of  the 
respect  and  affection  the  people  of  America  bear 
to  this  country,  and  of  all  the  commerce  that  de 
pends  on  that  respect  and  affection.  Q.  How  can 
the  commerce  be  affected  ?  A.  You  will  find  that 
if  the  act  is  not  repealed,  they  will  take  a  very 
little  of  your  manufactures  in  a  short  time.  Q.  Is 
it  in  their  power  to  do  without  them?  A.  The 
goods  they  take  from  Britain  are  either  necessaries, 
mere  conveniences,  or  superfluities.  The  first,  as 
cloth,  etc.,  with  a  little  industry  they  can  make  at 
home ;  the  second  they  can  do  without  until  they 
are  able  to  provide  them  among  themselves ;  and 
the  last,  which  are  much  the  greatest  part,  they  will 
strike  off  immediately."  This  view  of  the  willing 
ness  and  capacity  of  the  colonists  to  forego  English 
importations  he  elsewhere  elaborated  fully.  The 
English  merchants  knew  to  their  cost  that  he  spoke 
the  truth. 

With  reference   to   the   enforcement  of  claims 


122  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

in  the  courts,  he  was  asked  whether  the  people 
would  not  use  the  stamps  "  rather  than  remain  .  .  . 
unable  to  obtain  any  right  or  recover  by  law  any 
debt?  "  He  replied  :  "  It  is  hard  to  say  what  they 
would  do.  I  can  only  judge  what  other  people  will 
think,  and  how  they  will  act,  by  what  I  feel  within 
myself.  I  have  a  great  many  debts  due  to  me  in 
America,  and  I  would  rather  they  should  remain 
unrecoverable  by  any  law  than  submit  to  the  Stamp 
Act." 

A  few  weeks  later  he  wrote :  "  I  have  some  little 
property  in  America.  I  will  freely  spend  nineteen 
shillings  in  the  pound  to  defend  my  right  of  giving 
or  refusing  the  other  shilling.  And,  after  all,  if  I 
cannot  defend  that  right,  I  can  retire  cheerfully 
with  my  family  into  the  boundless  woods  of  Amer 
ica,  which  are  sure  to  afford  freedom  and  subsistence 
to  any  man  who  can  bait  a  hook  or  pull  a  trigger." 
The  picture  of  Dr.  Franklin,  the  philosopher,  at 
the  age  of  sixty-one,  "  cheerfully "  sustaining  his 
family  in  the  wilderness  by  the  winnings  of  his  rod 
and  his  rifle  stirs  one's  sense  of  humor ;  but  the 
paragraph  indicates  that  he  was  in  strict  harmony 
with  his  countrymen,  who  were  expressing  serious 
resolution  with  some  rhetorical  exaggeration,  in  the 
American  fashion. 

The  main  argument  of  the  colonies :  that  under 
the  British  constitution  there  could  be  no  taxation 
without  representation,  was  of  course  introduced 
into  the  examination  ;  and  Franklin  seized  the 
occasion  to  express  his  theory  very  ingeniously. 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  123 

Referring  to  the  fact  that,  by  the  Declaration  of 
Eights,  no  money  could  "  be  raised  on  the  subject 
but  by  consent  of  Parliament,"  the  subtle  question 
was  put :  How  the  colonists  could  think  that  they 
themselves  had  a  right  to  levy  money  for  the  crown  ? 
Franklin  replied:  "They  understand  that  clause 
to  relate  only  to  subjects  within  the  realm  ;  that  no 
money  can  be  levied  on  them  for  the  crown  but  by 
consent  of  Parliament.  The  colonies  are  not  sup 
posed  to  be  within  the  realm  ;  they  have  assemblies 
of  their  own,  which  are  their  parliaments."  This 
was  a  favorite  theory  with  him,  in  expounding 
which  he  likened  the  colonies  to  Ireland,  and  to 
Scotland  before  the  union.  Many  sentences  to 
the  same  purport  occur  in  his  writings ;  for  example : 
"  These  writers  against  the  colonies  all  bewilder 
themselves  by  supposing  the  colonies  within  the 
realm,  which  is  not  the  case,  nor  ever  was."  "  If 
an  Englishman  goes  into  a  foreign  country,  he  is 
subject  to  the  laws  and  government  he  finds  there. 
If  he  finds  no  government  or  laws  there,  he  is  sub 
ject  there  to  none,  till  he  and  his  companions,  if  he 
has  any,  make  laws  for  themselves ;  and  this  was 
the  case  of  the  first  settlers  in  America.  Otherwise, 
if  they  carried  the  English  laws  and  power  of  Par 
liament  with  them,  what  advantage  could  the  Puri 
tans  propose  to  themselves  by  going  ?  "  "  The  col 
onists  carried  no  law  with  them  ;  they  carried  only 
a  power  of  making  laws,  or  adopting  such  parts  of 
the  English  law  or  of  any  other  law  as  they  should 
think  suitable  to  their  circumstances."  l  Radical 

1  To  same  purport  see,  also,  Works,  iv.  300. 


124  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

doctrines  these,  which  he  could  not  reasonably 
expect  would  find  favor  under  any  principles  of 
government  then  known  in  the  world.  To  the  like 
effect  were  other  assertions  of  his,  made  somewhat 
later :  "  In  fact,  the  British  empire  is  not  a  single 
state  ;  it  comprehends  many."  "  The  sovereignty 
of  the  crown  I  understand.  The  sovereignty  of  the 
British  legislature  out  of  Britain  I  do  not  under 
stand."  "The  king,  and  not  the  King,  Lords, and 
Commons  collectively,  is  their  sovereign  ;  and  the 
king  with  their  respective  parliaments  is  their  only 
legislator."1  "The  Parliament  of  Great  Britain 
has  not,  never  had,  and  of  right  never  can  have, 
without  consent  given  either  before  or  after,  power 
to  make  laws  of  sufficient  force  to  bind  the  subjects 
of  America  in  any  case  whatever,  and  particularly 
in  taxation."  The  singular  phrase  "the  subjects 
of  America  "  is  worth  noting.  In  1769,  still  reit 
erating  the  same  principle,  he  said :  "  We  are  free 
subjects  of  the  king;  and  fellow-subjects  of  one 
part  of  his  dominions  are  not  sovereigns  over  fel 
low-subjects  in  any  other  part." 

It  is  a  singular  fact  that  Franklin  long  cherished 
a  personal  regard  towards  the  king,  and  a  faith  in 
his  friendly  and  liberal  purposes  towards  the  col 
onies.  Indignation  against  the  Parliament  was 
offset  by  confidence  in  George  III.  Even  so  late 
as  the  spring  of  1769,  he  writes  to  a  friend  in 
America :  "  I  hope  nothing  that  has  happened, 

1  Concerning  this  theory,  see  Fiske's  The  Beginnings  of  New 
England,  266. 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  125 

or  may  happen,  will  diminish  in  the  least  our  loy 
alty  to  our  sovereign,  or  affection  for  this  nation  in 
general.  I  can  scarcely  conceive  a  king  of  better 
disposition,  of  more  exemplary  virtues,  or  more 
truly  desirous  of  promoting  the  welfare  of  all  his 
subjects.  The  experience  we  have  had  of  the 
family  in  the  two  preceding  mild  reigns,  and  the 
good  temper  of  our  young  princes,  so  far  as  can 
yet  be  discovered,  promise  us  a  continuance  of  this 
felicity."  Of  the  British  people  too  he  thought 
kindly.  But  for  the  Parliament  he  could  find  no 
excuse.  He  admitted  that  it  might  be  "  decent " 
indeed  to  speak  in  the  "  public  papers "  of  the 
"  wisdom  and  the  justice  of  Parliament ;  "  never 
theless,  the  ascription  of  these  qualities  to  the  pres 
ent  Parliament  certainly  was  not  true,  whatever 
might  be  the  case  as  to  any  future  one.  The  next 
year  found  him  still  counseling  that  the  colonies 
should  hold  fast  to  their  allegiance  to  their  king, 
who  had  the  best  disposition  towards  them,  and 
was  their  most  efficient  bulwark  against  "  the  ar 
bitrary  power  of  a  corrupt  Parliament."  In  the 
summer  of  1773,  he  was  seeking  excuses  for  the 
king's  adherence  to  the  principle  that  Parliament 
could  legally  tax  the  colonies  :  "  when  one  con 
siders  the  king's  situation,"  with  all  his  ministers, 
advisers,  judges,  and  the  great  majority  of  both 
houses  holding  this  view,  when  "  one  reflects  how 
necessary  it  is  for  him  to  be  well  with  his  Parlia 
ment,"  and  that  any  action  of  his  countenancing 
a  doctrine  contrary  to  that  of  both  the  Lords  and 


126  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

the  Commons  "  would  hazard  his  embroiling  him 
self  with  those  powerful  bodies,"  Franklin  was  of 
opinion  that  it  seemed  "  hardly  to  be  expected  from 
him  that  he  should  take  any  step  of  that  kind." 
But  this  was  the  last  apology  which  he  uttered  for 
George  III.  He  was  about  to  reach  the  same  esti 
mation  of  that  monarch  which  has  been  adopted 
by  posterity.  Only  a  very  little  later  he  writes  : 
"Between  you  and  me,  the  late  measures  have 
been,  I  suspect,  very  much  the  king's  own,  and  he 
has  in  some  cases  a  great  share  of  what  his  friends 
call  firmness.'"  Thus  tardily,  reluctantly,  and  at 
first  gently,  the  kindly  philosopher  began  to  admit 
to  himself  and  others  the  truth  as  to  his  Majesty's 
disposition  and  character. 

Some  persons  in  England,  affected  by  the  pow 
erful  argument  of  non-representation,  proposed  that 
the  colonies  should  be  represented  in  Parliament ; 
and  about  the  time  of  the  Stamp  Act  the  possibility 
of  such  an  arrangement  was  seriously  discussed. 
Franklin  was  willing  to  speak  kindly  of  a  plan 
which  was  logically  unobjectionable,  and  which  in 
volved  the  admission  that  the  existing  condition  was 
unjust ;  but  he  knew  very  well  that  it  would  never 
develop  into  a  practicable  solution  of  the  problem, 
and  in  fact  it  soon  dropped  out  of  men's  minds. 
January  6,  1766,  he  wrote  that  in  his  opinion  the 
measure  of  an  Union,  as  he  shrewdly  called  it,  was 
a  wise  one ;  "  but,"  he  said,  "  I  doubt  it  will 
hardly  be  thought  so  here  until  it  is  too  late  to 
attempt  it.  The  time  has  been  when  the  colonies 


SECOND  MISSION   TO  ENGLAND.  127 

would  have  esteemed  it  a  great  advantage,  as  well 
as  honor,  to  be  permitted  to  send  members  to  Par 
liament,  and  would  have  asked  for  that  privilege  if 
they  could  have  had  the  least  hopes  of  obtaining  it. 
The  time  is  now  come  when  they  are  indifferent 
about  it,  and  will  probably  not  ask  it,  though  they 
might  accept  it,  if  offered  them ;  and  the  time  will 
come  when  they  will  certainly  refuse  it.  But  if 
such  an  Union  were  now  established  (which  me- 
thinks  it  highly  imports  this  country  to  establish), 
it  would  probably  subsist  so  long  as  Britain  shall 
continue  a  nation.  This  people,  however,  is  too 
proud,  and  too  much  despises  the  Americans  to 
bear  the  thought  of  admitting  them  to  such  an 
equitable  participation  in  the  government  of  the 
whole."  l  Haughty  words  these,  though  so  tran 
quilly  spoken,  and  which  must  have  startled  many 
a  dignified  Briton :  behold  !  a  mere  colonist,  the 
son  of  a  tallow  chandler,  is  actually  declaring  that 
those  puny  colonies  of  simple  "  farmers,  husband 
men,  and  planters "  were  already  "  indifferent " 
about,  and  would  soon  feel  in  condition  to  "  refuse," 
representation  in  such  a  body  as  the  Parliament  of 
England ;  also  that  it  "  highly  imported "  Great 
Britain  to  seek  amalgamation  while  yet  it  could  be 
had !  But  Franklin  meant  what  he  said,  and  he 
repeated  it  more  than  once,  very  earnestly.  He 
resented  that  temper,  of  which  he  saw  so  much  on 
every  side,  and  which  he  clearly  described  by  saying 

1  To  same  purport  see  letter  to  Evans,  May  9,  1766,  Works,  iii. 
404. 


128  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

that  every  individual  in  England  felt  himself  to  be 
"  part  of  a  sovereign  over  America." 

Men  of  a  different  habit  of  mind  of  course  reit 
erated  the  shallow  and  threadbare  nonsense  about 
"  virtual,"  or  as  it  would  be  called  nowadays,  con 
structive,  representation  of  the  colonies,  likening 
them  to  Birmingham,  Manchester,  and  other  towns 
which  sent  no  members  to  Parliament  —  as  if  prob 
lems  in  politics  followed  the  rule  of  algebra,  that 
negative  quantities,  multiplied,  produce  a  positive 
quantity.  But  Franklin  concerned  himself  little 
about  this  unreasonable  reasoning,  which  indeed 
soon  had  an  effect  eminently  disagreeable  to  the 
class  of  men  who  stupidly  uttered  it.  For  it  was 
promptly  replied  that  if  there  were  such  large 
bodies  of  unrepresented  Englishmen,  it  betokened 
a  wrong  state  of  affairs  in  England  also.  If  Eng 
lish  freeholders  have  not  the  right  of  suffrage,  said 
Franklin,  "  they  are  injured.  Then  rectify  what  is 
amiss  among  yourselves,  and  do  not  make  it  a  jus 
tification  of  more  wrong."  1  Thus  that  movement 
began  which  in  time  brought  about  parliamentary 
reform,  another  result  of  this  American  disturbance 
which  was  extremely  distasteful  to  that  stratum  of 
English  society  which  was  most  strenuous  against 
the  colonists. 

Still  another  point  which  demanded  elucidation 
was  :  why  Parliament  should  not  have  the  power  to 
lay  internal  taxes  just  as  much  as  to  levy  duties. 
Grenville  said  :  "  External  and  internal  taxes  are 

1  See  also  to  same  purport.  Works,  iv.  157. 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  129 

the  same  in  effect,  and  only  differ  in  name ; "  and 
the  authority  of  Parliament  to  lay  external  taxes 
had  never  been  called  in  question.  Franklin's  ex 
aminers  tried  him  upon  this  matter:  Can  you 
show  that  there  is  any  kind  of  difference  between 
the  two  taxes,  to  the  colony  on  which  they  are  laid  ? 
He  answered :  "  I  think  the  difference  is  very 
great.  An  external  tax  is  a  duty  laid  on  commo 
dities  imported  ;  that  duty  is  added  to  the  first  cost 
and  other  charges  on  the  commodity,  and,  when  it 
is  offered  for  sale,  makes  a  part  of  the  price.  If 
the  people  do  not  like  it  at  that  price,  they  refuse 
it ;  they  are  not  obliged  to  pay  for  it.  But  an 
internal  tax  is  forced  from  the  people  without  their 
consent,  if  not  laid  by  their  own  representatives. 
The  Stamp  Act  says,  we  shall  have  no  commerce, 
make  no  exchange  of  property  with  each  other, 
neither  purchase,  nor  grant,  nor  recover  debts ;  we 
shall  neither  marry  nor  make  our  wills  ;  unless  we 
pay  such  and  such  sums."  It  was  suggested  that 
an  external  tax  might  be  laid  on  the  necessaries 
of  life,  which  the  people  must  have ;  but  Franklin 
said  that  the  colonies  were,  or  very  soon  would  be, 
in  a  position  to  produce  for  themselves  all  neces 
saries.  He  was  then  asked  what  was  the  differ 
ence  "between  a  duty  on  the  importation  of  goods 
and  an  excise  on  their  consumption  ?  "  He  replied 
that  there  was  a  very  material  one ;  the  excise,  for 
reasons  given,  seemed  unlawful.  "  But  the  sea  is 
yours ;  you  maintain  by  your  fleets  the  safety  of 
navigation  in  it,  and  keep  it  clear  of  pirates ;  you 


130  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

may  have,  therefore,  a  natural  and  equitable  right 
to  some  toll  or  duty  on  merchandises  carried 
through  that  part  of  your  dominions,  towards  de 
fraying  the  expense  you  are  at  in  ships  to  maintain 
the  safety  of  that  carriage."  This  was  a  rather 
narrow  basis  on  which  to  build  the  broad  and 
weighty  superstructure  of  the  British  Custom 
House ;  but  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  Frank 
lin  should  supply  any  better  arguments  upon  that 
side  of  the  question.  It  was  obvious  that  Gren- 
ville's  proposition  might  lead  to  two  conclusions. 
He  said :  External  and  internal  taxation  are  in 
principle  substantially  identical ;  we  have  the  right 
to  the  former ;  therefore  we  must  have  the  right 
to  the  latter.  It  was  a  quick  reply  :  Since  you 
have  not  a  right  to  the  latter,  you  cannot  have 
a  right  to  the  former.  But  Franklin,  being  a 
prudent  man,  kept  within  his  intrenchments,  and 
would  not  hazard  increasing  the  opposition  to 
the  colonial  claims  by  occupying  this  advanced 
ground.  He  hinted  at  it,  nevertheless  :  "  At  pres 
ent  the  colonists  do  not  reason  so ;  but  in  time 
they  possibly  may  be  convinced  by  these  argu 
ments  ; "  and  so  they  were. 

Franklin  also  in  his  examination,  and  at  many 
other  times  and  places,  had  something  to  say  as  to 
the  willingness  of  the  colonies  to  bear  their  full 
share  of  public  burdens.  He  spoke  with  warmth 
and  feeling,  but  with  an  entire  absence  of  boastful- 
ness  or  rodomontade.  He  achieved  his  purpose  by 
simply  recalling  such  facts  as  that  the  colonies  in 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  131 

the  late  war  had  kept  25,000  troops  in  the  field ; 
that  they  had  raised  sums  of  money  so  large  that 
even  the  English  Parliament  had  seen  that  they 
were  exceeding  any  reasonable  estimate  of  their 
capacity,  and  had  voted  some  partial  restitution  to 
them ;  and  that  they  had  received  thanks,  official 
and  formal  yet  apparently  sincere,  for  their  zeal 
and  their  services.  Few  Englishmen  knew  these 
things.  So,  too,  he  said,  the  Americans  would 
help  the  mother  country  in  an  European  war,  so 
far  as  they  could ;  for  they  regarded  themselves  as 
a  part  of  the  empire,  and  really  had  an  affection 
and  loyalty  towards  England. 

On  February  21,  1766,  General  Conway  moved 
for  leave  to  introduce  into  the  House  of  Commons 
a  bill  to  repeal  the  Stamp  Act.  The  motion  was 
carried.  The  next  day  the  House  divided  upon 
the  repealing  bill :  275  for  repeal,  167  against  it. 
The  minority  were  willing  greatly  to 'modify  the 
act ;  but  insisted  upon  its  enforcement  in  some 
shape.  The  anxious  merchants,  who  were  gathered 
in  throngs  outside,  and  who  really  had  brought 
about  the  repeal,  burst  into  jubilant  rejoicing.  A 
few  days  later,  March  4th  and  5th,  the  bill  took  its 
third  reading  by  a  vote  of  250  yeas  against  122 
nays.  In  the  House  of  Lords,  upon  the  second  read 
ing,  73  peers  voted  for  repeal,  61  against  it.  Thirty- 
three  peers  thereupon  signed  and  recorded  their 
protest.  At  the  third  reading  no  division  was  had, 
but  a  second  protest,  bearing  28  signatures,  was 


132  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

entered.  On  March  18th  the  king,  whose  position 
had  been  a  little  enigmatical,  but  who  at  last  had 
become  settled  in  opposition  to  the  bill,  unwillingly 
placed  his  signature  to  it,  and  ever  after  regretted 
having  done  so. 

When  the  good  news  reached  the  provinces  great 
indeed  was  the  gladness  of  the  people.  They 
heeded  little  that  simultaneously  with  the  repeal  a 
resolve  had  been  carried  through  declaratory  of  the 
principle  on  which  the  Stamp  Act  had  been  based. 
The  assertion  of  the  right  gave  them  at  this  mo 
ment  "  very  little  concern,"  since  they  hugged  a 
triumphant  belief  that  no  further  attempt  would  be 
made  to  carry  that  right  into  practice.  The  people 
of  Philadelphia  seemed  firmly  persuaded  that  the 
repeal  was  chiefly  due  to  the  unwearied  personal 
exertions  of  their  able  agent.  They  could  not  re 
call  their  late  distrust  of  him  without  shame,  and 
now  replaced  it  with  boundless  devotion.  In  the 
great  procession  which  they  made  for  the  occasion 
"  the  sublime  feature  was  a  barge,  forty  feet  long, 
named  FRANKLIN,  from  which  salutes  were  fired 
as  it  passed  along  the  streets."  1  That  autumn  the 
old  ticket  triumphed  again  at  the  elections  for 
members  of  the  Assembly.  Franklin's  own  pleas 
ant  way  of  celebrating  the  great  event  was  by  send 
ing  to  his  wife  "  a  new  gown,"  with  the  message, 
referring,  of  course,  to  the  anti-importation  league  : 
that  he  did  not  send  it  sooner,  because  he  knew  that 
she  would  not  like  to  be  finer  than  her  neighbors, 
unless  in  a  gown  of  her  own  spinning. 

1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  i.  481. 


SECOND  MISSION   TO  ENGLAND.  133 

No  American  will  find  it  difficult  to  conceive  the 
utter  ignorance  concerning  the  colonies  which  then 
prevailed  in  England ;  about  their  trade,  manufac 
tures,  cultivated  products,  natural  resources,  about 
the  occupations,  habits,  manners,  and  ideas  of  their 
people,  not  much  more  was  known  than  Americans 
now  know  concerning  the  boers  of  Cape  Colony  or 
the  settlers  of  New  Zealand.  In  his  examination 
before  the  Commons,  in  many  papers  which  he 
printed,  by  his  correspondence,  and  by  his  conver 
sation  in  all  the  various  companies  which  he  fre 
quented,  Franklin  exerted  himself  with  untiring  in 
dustry  to  shed  some  rays  into  this  darkness.  At 
times  the  comical  stories  which  he  heard  about  his 
country  touched  his  sense  of  humor,  with  the  happy 
result  that  he  would  throw  off  some  droll  bit  of  writ 
ing  for  a  newspaper,  which  would  delight  the  friends 
of  America  and  make  its  opponents  feel  very  silly 
even  while  they  could  not  help  laughing  at  his  wit. 
A  good  one  of  these  was  the  paper  in  which  he  re 
plied,  among  other  things,  to  the  absurd  supposition 
that  the  Americans  could  not  make  their  own  cloth, 
because  American  sheep  had  little  wool,  and  that 
little  of  poor  quality :  "  Dear  sir,  do  not  let  us  suffer 
ourselves  to  be  amused  with  such  groundless  objec 
tions.  The  very  tails  of  the  American  sheep  are  so 
laden  with  wool  that  each  has  a  little  car  or  wagon 
on  four  little  wheels  to  support  and  keep  it  from 
trailing  on  the  ground.  Would  they  caulk  their 
ships,  would  they  even  litter  their  horses,  with 
wool,  if  it  were  not  both  plenty  and  cheap  ?  And 


134  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

what  signifies  the  clearness  of  labor  when  an  Eng 
lish  shilling  passes  for  five  and  twenty?"  and  so 
on.  It  is  pleasant  to  think  that  then,  as  now,  many 
a  sober  Britisher,  with  no  idea  that  a  satirical  jest 
at  his  own  expense  was  hidden  away  in  this  extrav 
agance,  took  it  all  for  genuine  earnest,  and  was 
sadly  puzzled  at  a  condition  of  things  so  far  re 
moved  from  his  own  experience. 

Very  droll  is  the  account  of  how  nearly  a  party 
of  clever  Englishmen  were  taken  in  by  the  paper 
which  purported  to  advance  the  claim  of  the  king 
of  Prussia  to  hold  England  as  a  German  province, 
and  to  levy  taxes  therein,  supported  by  precisely 
the  same  chain  of  reasoning  whereby  Britain 
claimed  the  like  right  in  respect  of  the  American 
colonies.  This  keen  and  witty  satire  had  a  brilliant 
success,  and  while  Franklin  prudently  kept  his  au 
thorship  a  close  secret,  he  was  not  a  little  pleased 
to  see  how  well  his  dart  flew.  In  one  of  his  letters 
he  says :  — 

"  I  was  down  at  Lord  le  Despencer's  when  the  post 
brought  that  day's  papers.  Mr.  Whitehead  was  there, 
too,  who  runs  early  through  all  the  papers,  and  tells  the 
company  what  he  finds  remarkable.  .  .  .  We  were  chat 
ting  in  the  breakfast  parlor,  when  he  came  running  in  to 
us,  out  of  breath,  with  the  paper  in  his  hand.  *  Here/ 
says  he,  '  here  's  news  for  ye  !  Here  's  the  king  of  Prus 
sia  claiming  a  right  to  this  kingdom  ! '  All  stared,  and 
I  as  much  as  anybody  ;  and  he  went  on  to  read  it.  When 
he  had  read  two  or  three  paragraphs,  a  gentleman  pres 
ent  said  :  *  Damn  their  impudence !  I  daresay  we  shall 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  135 

hear  by  the  next  post  that  he  is  upon  his  march  with 
100,000  men  to  back  this.'  Whitehead,  who  is  very 
shrewd,  soon  after  began  to  smoke  it,  and  looking  in  my 
face  said,  '  I  '11  be  hanged  if  this  is  not  some  of  your 
American  jokes  upon  us.'  " 

Then,  amid  much  laughter,  it  was  admitted  to  be 
"  a  fair  hit."  Of  a  like  nature  was  his  paper  setting 
out  "  Rules  for  reducing  a  great  Empire  to  a  small 
one,"  which  prescribed  with  admirable  satire  such  a 
course  of  procedure  as  English  ministries  had  pur 
sued  towards  the  American  provinces.  Lord  Mans 
field  honored  it  with  his  condemnation,  saying  that 
it  was  "  very  able  and  very  artful  indeed ;  and 
would  do  mischief  by  giving  here  a  bad  impression 
of  the  measures  of  government." 

Yet  this  English  indifference  to  transatlantic 
facts  could  not  always  be  met  in  a  laughing  mood. 
It  was  too  serious,  too  unfortunate,  too  obstinately 
persisted  in  to  excite  only  ridicule.  It  was  deplor 
able,  upon  the  very  verge  of  war,  and  incredible 
too,  after  all  the  warnings  that  had  been  had,  that 
there  should  be  among  Englishmen  such  an  utter 
absence  of  any  desire  to  get  accurate  knowledge. 
In  1773  Franklin  wrote :  "  The  great  defect  here 
is,  in  all  sorts  of  people,  a  want  of  attention  to  what 
passes  in  such  remote  countries  as  America ;  an 
unwillingness  to  read  anything  about  them,  if  it 
appears  a  little  lengthy ;  and  a  disposition  to  post 
pone  a  consideration  even  of  the  things  which  they 
know  they  must  at  last  consider."  Such  ignorance, 
fertilized  by  ill  will,  bore  the  only  fruit  which  could 


136  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

grow  in  such  soil :  abuse  and  vilification.  Yet  all 
the  while  the  upper  classes  in  France,  with  their 
eyes  well  open  to  a  condition  of  things  which 
seemed  to  threaten  England,  were  keen  enough  in 
their  desire  for  knowledge,  translating  all  Frank 
lin's  papers,  and  keeping  up  constant  communica 
tion  with  him  through  their  embassy.  Patient  in 
others  of  those  faults  of  vehemence  and  prejudice 
which  had  no  place  in  his  own  nature,  Franklin 
endured  long  the  English  provocations  and  retorted 
only  with  a  wit  too  perfect  to  be  personal,  with  un 
answerable  arguments,  and  with  simple  recitals  of 
facts.  But  we  shall  see,  later  on,  that  there  came 
an  occasion,  just  before  his  departure,  when  even 
his  temper  gave  way.  It  was  not  surprising,  for 
the  blood-letting  point  had  then  been  reached  by 
both  peoples. 

Franklin's  famous  examination  and  his  other  ef 
forts  in  behalf  of  the  colonies  were  appreciated  by 
his  countrymen  outside  of  Pennsylvania.  He  was 
soon  appointed  agent  also  for  New  Jersey,  Georgia, 
and  Massachusetts.  The  last  office  was  conferred 
upon  him  in  the  autumn  of  1770,  by  no  means 
without  a  struggle.  Samuel  Adams,  a  man  as 
narrow  as  Franklin  was  broad,  as  violent  as  Frank 
lin  was  calm,  as  bigoted  a  Puritan  as  Franklin 
was  liberal  a  Free-thinker,  felt  towards  Franklin 
that  distrust  and  dislike  which  a  limited  but  in 
tense  mind  often  cherishes  towards  an  intellect 
whose  vast  scope  and  noble  serenity  it  cannot  com 
prehend.  Adams  accordingly  strenuously  opposed 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  137 

the  appointment.  It  was  plausibly  suggested  that 
Franklin  already  held  other  agencies,  and  that 
policy  would  advise  "  to  enlarge  the  number  of  our 
friends."  It  was  meanly  added  that  he  held  an  of 
fice  under  the  crown,  and  that  his  son  was  a  royal 
governor.  Other  ingenious,  insidious,  and  personal 
objections  were  urged.  Fortunately,  however,  it 
was  in  vain  to  array  such  points  against  Franklin's 
reputation.  Samuel  Cooper  wrote  to  him  that, 
though  the  House  had  certainly  been  much  divided, 
"  yet  such  was  their  opinion  of  your  abilities  and 
integrity,  that  a  majority  readily  committed  the  af 
fairs  of  the  Province  at  this  critical  season  to  your 
care."  By  reason  of  this  combination  of  agencies, 
besides  his  own  personal  capacity  and  prestige, 
Franklin  seemed  to  become  in  the  eyes  of  the  Eng 
lish  the  representative  of  all  America.  In  spite  of 
the  unpopularity  attaching  to  the  American  cause, 
the  position  was  one  of  some  dignity,  greatly  en 
hanced  by  the  respect  inspired  by  the  ability  with 
which  Franklin  filled  it,  ability  which  was  recog 
nized  no  less  by  the  enemies  than  by  the  friends 
of  the  provinces.  It  was  also  a  position  of  grave 
responsibility  ;  and  it  ought  to  have  been  one  of 
liberal  emolument,  but  it  was  not.  The  sum  of  his 
four  salaries  should  have  been  XI, 200  ;  but  only 
Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  actually  paid  him. 
Massachusetts  would  have  paid,  but  the  bills  mak 
ing  the  appropriations  were  obstinately  vetoed  by 
the  royalist  governor.1 

1  Franklin's  TTorJfe*,  iv.  88. 


138  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Yet  this  matter  of  income  was  important  to 
him,  and  it  was  at  no  slight  personal  sacrifice 
that  he  was  now  serving  his  country.  He  had  a 
moderate  competence,  but  his  expenses  were  al 
most  doubled  by  living  thus  apart  from  his  family, 
while  his  affairs  suffered  by  reason  of  his  absence. 
For  a  while  he  was  left  unmolested  in  the  post- 
mastership,  and  in  view  of  all  the  circumstances  it 
must  be  confessed  that  the  ministry  behaved  very 
well  to  him  in  this  particular.  Kumors  which  oc 
casionally  reached  his  ears  made  him  uncomfort 
ably  aware  how  precarious  his  tenure  of  this  posi 
tion  really  was.  His  prolonged  absence  certainly 
gave  an  abundantly  fair  pretext  for  his  removal ; 
still  advantage  was  not  taken  of  it.  Some  of  his 
enemies,  as  he  wrote  in  December,  1770,  by  plenti 
ful  abuse  endeavored  to  provoke  him  to  resign; 
but  they  found  him  sadly  "  deficient  in  that  Chris 
tian  virtue  of  resignation."  It  was  not  until  1774, 
after  the  episode  of  the  Hutchinson  letters  and  the 
famous  hearing  before  the  privy  council,  that  he 
was  actually  displaced.  If  this  forbearance  of  the 
ministry  was  attributable  to  magnanimity,  it  stands 
out  in  prominent  inconsistence  with  the  general 
Course  of  official  life  in  England  at  that  time. 
Probably  no  great  injustice  would  be  done  in  sug 
gesting  a  baser  motive.  The  ministry  doubtless 
aimed  at  one  or  both  of  two  things:  to  keep  a 
certain  personal  hold  upon  him,  which  might,  in 
sensibly  to  himself,  mollify  his  actions ;  and  to  dis- 


SECOND  MISSION   TO  ENGLAND.  139 

credit  him  among  his  countrymen  by  precisely  such 
fleers  as  had  been  cast  against  him  in  the  Massa 
chusetts  Assembly.  More  than  once  they  sought 
to  seduce  him  by  offers  of  office  ;  it  was  said  that 
he  could  have  been  an  under-secretary  of  state,  had 
he  been  willing  to  qualify  himself  for  the  position 
by  modifying  his  views  on  colonial  questions. 
More  than  once,  too,  gossip  circulated  in  America 
that  some  such  bargain  had  been  struck,  a  slan 
der  which  was  cruel  and  ignoble  indeed,  when  the 
opportunity  and  temptation  may  be  said  to  have 
been  present  any  and  every  day  during  many  years 
without  ever  receiving  even  a  moment  of  doubtful 
consideration.  Yet  for  this  the  English  ministry 
are  believed  not  to  have  been  wholly  responsible, 
since  some  of  these  tales  are  supposed  to  have  been 
the  unworthy  work  of  Arthur  Lee  of  Virginia. 
This  young  man,  a  student  at  one  of  the  Inns  of 
Court  in  London,  was  appointed  by  the  Massachu 
setts  Assembly  as  a  successor  to  fill  Franklin's 
place  whenever  the  latter  should  return  to  Penn 
sylvania.  For  at  the  time  it  was  anticipated  that 
this  return  would  soon  occur  ;  but  circumstances 
interfered  and  prolonged  Franklin's  usefulness 
abroad  during  several  years  more.  The  heir  ap 
parent,  who  was  ambitious,  could  not  brook  the 
disappointment  of  this  delay  ;  and  though  kindly 
treated  and  highly  praised  by  the  unsuspicious 
Franklin,  he  gave  nothing  but  malice  in  return. 
It  is  perhaps  not  fully  proved,  yet  it  is  certainly 


140  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

well  suspected  by  historians,  that  his  desire  to 
wreak  injury  upon  Franklin  became  such  a  pas 
sion  as  caused  him  in  certain  instances  to  for 
get  all  principles  of  honor,  to  say  nothing  of 
honesty. 


CHAPTER  VL 

SECOND   MISSION   TO   ENGLAND  :    II. 

IN  order  to  continue  the  narrative  of  events 
with  due  regard  to  chronological  order  it  is  neces 
sary  to  revert  to  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act. 
The  repealing  act  was  fully  as  unpopular  in  Eng 
land  as  the  repealed  act  had  been  in  America.  It 
was  brought  about  by  no  sense  of  justice,  by  no 
good  will  toward  the  colonists,  but  solely  by  reason 
of  the  injury  which  the  law  was  causing  in  Eng 
land,  and  which  was  forced  upon  the  reluctant  con 
sideration  of  Parliament  by  the  urgent  clamor  of 
the  suffering  merchants  ;  also  perhaps  in  some  de 
gree  by  a  disinclination  to  send  an  army  across  the 
Atlantic,  and  by  the  awkward  difficulty  suggested 
by  Franklin  when  he  said  that  if  troops  should  be 
sent  they  would  find  no  rebellion,  no  definite  form 
of  resistance,  against  which  they  could  act.  The 
repeal,  therefore,  though  carried  by  a  large  major 
ity,  was  by  no  means  to  be  construed  as  an  ac 
knowledgment  of  error  in  an  asserted  principle, 
but  only  as  an  unavoidable  admission  of  a  mistake 
in  the  application  of  that  principle.  The  repealing 
majority  grew  out  of  a  strange  coalition  of  men  of 
the  most  opposite  ways  of  thinking  concerning 


142  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

the  fundamental  question.  For  example,  Charles 
Townshend  was  a  repealer,  yet  all  England  did 
not  hold  a  man  who  was  more  wedded  than  was 
Townshend  to  the  idea  of  levying  internal  taxes  in 
the  colonies  by  act  of  Parliament.  The  notion 
had  been  his  own  mischievous  legacy  to  Grenville, 
but  he  now  felt  that  it  had  been  clumsily  used  by 
his  legatee.  Many  men  agreed  with  him,  and  the 
prevalence  of  this  opinion  was  made  obvious  by 
the  passage,  almost  simultaneously,  of  the  resolu 
tion  declaratory  of  the  right  of  parliamentary  tax 
ation.  But  the  solace  of  an  empty  assertion  was 
wholly  inadequate  to  heal  the  deep  wound  which 
English  pride  had  received.  The  great  nation 
had  been  fairly  hounded  into  receding  before  the 
angry  resistance  of  a  parcel  of  provincials  dwell 
ing  far  away  across  the  sea ;  the  recession  was 
not  felt  to  be  an  act  of  magnanimity  or  generos 
ity  or  even  of  justice,  but  only  a  bitter  humiliation 
and  indignity.  Poor  Grenville,  the  responsible 
adviser  of  the  blundering  and  unfortunate  measure, 
lost  almost  as  much  prestige  as  Franklin  gained. 
It  was  hard  luck  for  him  ;  he  was  as  honest  in  his 
convictions  as  Franklin  was  in  the  opposite  faith, 
and  he  was  a  far  abler  minister  than  the  successor 
charged  to  undo  his  work.  But  his  knowledge  of 
colonial  facts  was  very  insufficient,  and  the  light  in 
which  he  viewed  them  was  hopelessly  false.  Frank 
lin  had  a  knowledge  immeasurably  greater,  and 
was  almost  incapable  of  an  error  of  judgment ;  of 
all  the  reputation  which  was  won  or  lost  in  this 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  143 

famous  contest  he  gathered  the  lion's  share ;  he 
was  the  hero  of  the  colonists  ;  his  ability  was  re 
cognized  impartially  by  both  the  contending  parties 
in  England,  and  he  was  marked  as  a  great  man 
by  those  astute  French  statesmen  who  were  watch 
ing  with  delight  the  opening  of  this  very  promis 
ing  rift  in  the  British  empire. 

Anger,  like  water,  subsides  quickly  after  the 
tempest  ceases.  As  each  day  in  its  flight  carried 
the  Stamp  Act  and  the  repeal  more  remotely  into 
past  history,  the  sanguine  and  peaceably  minded 
began  to  hope  that  England  and  the  colonies  might 
yet  live  comfortably  in  union.  It  only  seemed  ne 
cessary  that  for  a  short  time  longer  no  fresh  provo 
cation  should  revive  animosities  which  seemed  com 
posing  themselves  to  slumber.  The  colonists  tried 
to  believe  that  England  had  learned  wisdom ;  Eng 
lishmen  were  cautious  about  committing  a  second 
blunder.  In  such  a  time  Franklin  was  the  best 
man  whom  his  countrymen  could  have  had  in  Eng 
land.  His  tranquil  temperament,  his  warm  regard 
for  both  sides,  his  wonderful  capacity  for  living 
well  with  men  who  could  by  no  means  live  well 
with  each  other,  his  social  tact,  and  the  respect 
which  his  abilities  inspired,  all  combined  to  enable 
him  now  more  than  ever  to  fill  admirably  the  posi 
tion  of  colonial  representative.  The  effect  of  such 
an  influence  is  not  to  be  seen  in  any  single  note 
worthy  occurrence,  but  is  known  by  a  thousand 
lesser  indications,  and  it  is  unquestionable  that  no 
American  representative  even  to  this  day  has  ever 


144  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

been  held  in  Europe  in  such  estimation  as  was  ac 
corded  to  Franklin  at  this  time.  He  continued 
writing  and  instructing  upon  American  topics,  but 
to  what  has  already  been  said  concerning  his  ser 
vices  and  opinions  abroad,  there  is  nothing  of  im 
portance  to  be  added  occurring  within  two  or  three 
years  after  the  repeal.  While,  however,  he  played 
the  often  thankless  part  of  instructor  to  the  Eng 
lish,  he  had  the  courage  to  assume  the  even  less 
popular  role  of  a  moderator  towards  the  colonists. 
He  made  it  his  task  to  soothe  passion  and  to  preach 
reason.  He  did  not  do  this  as  a  trimmer ;  never 
was  one  word  of  compromise  uttered  by  him 
throughout  all  these  alarming  years.  But  he 
dreaded  that  weakness  which  is  the  inevitable  re 
action  from  excess  ;  and  he  was  supremely  anxious 
to  secure  that  trustworthy  strength  which  is  impos 
sible  without  moderation.  What  he  profoundly 
wished  was  that  the  "  fatal  period  "  of  war  and 
separation  should  be  as  much  as  possible  "  post 
poned,  and  that  whenever  this  catastrophe  shall 
happen  it  may  appear  to  all  mankind  that  the  fault 
has  not  been  ours."  Yet  he  fell  far  short  of  the 
Christian  principle  of  turning  to  the  srniter  the 
other  cheek.  He  wished  the  colonists  to  keep  a 
steady  front  face,  and  only  besought  them  not  to 
rush  forward  so  foolishly  fast  as  to  topple  over,  of 
which  ill-considered  violence  there  was  much  dan 
ger.  Of  course  the  usual  result  of  such  efforts 
overtook  him.  He  wrote  somewhat  sadly,  in  1768  : 
"  Being  born  and  bred  in  one  of  the  countries,  and 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  145 

having  lived  long  and  made  many  agreeable  con 
nections  of  friendship  in  the  other,  I  wish  all  pros 
perity  to  both ;  but  I  have  talked  and  written  so 
much  and  so  long  on  the  subject,  that  my  acquaint 
ance  are  weary  of  hearing  and  the  public  of  read 
ing  any  more  of  it,  which  begins  to  make  me  weary 
of  talking  and  writing ;  especially  as  I  do  not  find 
that  I  have  gained  any  point  in  either  country,  ex 
cept  that  of  rendering  myself  suspected  by  my  im 
partiality  ;  —  in  England  of  being  too  much  an 
American,  and  in  America  of  being  too  much  an 
Englishman."  More  than  once  he  repeated  this 
last  sentence  with  much  feeling.  But  whatever 
there  was  of  personal  discouragement  or  despond 
ency  in  this  letter  was  only  a  temporary  frame  of 
mind.  Dr.  Franklin  never  really  slackened  his 
labors  in  a  business  which  he  had  so  much  at  heart 
as  this  of  the  relationship  of  the  colonies  to  the 
mother  country.  Neither,  it  is  safe  to  say,  did  he 
ever  bore  any  one  by  what  he  wrote  or  by  what  he 
said,  though  his  witty  effusions  in  print  were  usu 
ally  anonymous,  and  only  some  of  his  soberer  and 
argumentative  papers  announced  their  paternity. 

The  agony  with  which  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act  was  effected  racked  too  severely  the  feeble 
joints  of  the  Kockingham  ministry,  and  that  ill- 
knit  body  soon  began  to  drop  to  pieces.  A  new 
incumbent  was  sought  for  the  department  which 
included  the  colonies,  but  that  position  seemed  to 
be  shunned  with  a  sort  of  terror  ;  no  one  loved 
office  enough  to  seek  it  in  this  niche ;  no  one  could 


146  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

expect  comfort  in  a  chamber  haunted  by  such  rest 
less  ghosts.  Early  in  July,  at  the  earnest  solicita 
tion  of  the  king,  Pitt  endeavored  not  so  much  to 
form  a  new  ministry  as  to  revamp  the  existing  one. 
He  partially  succeeded,  but  not  without  difficulty. 
The  result  seemed  to  promise  well  for  the  colonies, 
since  the  new  cabinet  contained  their  chief  friends  : 
Pitt  himself,  Shelburne,  Cam  den,  Con  way,  names 
all  justly  esteemed  by  America.  Yet  all  these 
were  fully  offset  by  the  audacious  Charles  Towns- 
hend,  the  originator  and  great  apostle  of  the  scheme 
of  colonial  taxation,  whom  Pitt,  much  against  his 
will,  had  been  obliged  to  place  in  the  perilous  post 
of  chancellor  of  the  exchequer.  It  was  true  that 
Lord  Shelburne  undertook  the  care  of  the  colonies, 
and  that  no  Englishman  cherished  better  dispo 
sitions  towards  them ;  but  he  had  to  encounter  two 
difficulties,  neither  of  which  could  be  overcome. 
The  one  was  that  Townshend's  views  were  those 
which  soon  proved  not  only  to  be  coincident  with 
those  of  the  king,  but  also  to  be  popular  in  Parlia 
ment  ;  the  other  was  that,  while  he  had  the  admin 
istration  of  colonial  affairs,  Townshend  had  the 
function  of  introducing  schemes  of  taxation.  So 
long  as  he  remained  in  office  he  administered  all 
the  business  of  the  colonies  in  the  spirit  of  liberal 
reform.  No  reproach  was  ever  brought  against  his 
justice,  his  generosity,  his  enlightened  views  of 
government.  But  unfortunately  all  that  he  had 
to  do,  being  strictly  in  the  way  of  administration, 
such  as  the  restraining  over-loyal  governors,  the 


SECOND  MISSION   TO  ENGLAND.  147 

amelioration  of  harsh  legislation,  and  universal  mod 
eration  in  language  and  behavior,  could  avail  com 
paratively  little  so  long  as  Townshend,  whom  Pitt 
used  to  call  "  the  incurable,"  could  threaten  and 
bring  in  obnoxious  revenue  measures. 

Shelburne  had  the  backing  of  Pitt ;  but,  by  ill 
luck,  so  soon  as  the  cabinet  was  formed,  Pitt 
ceased  to  be  Pitt,  and  became  the  Earl  of  Chat 
ham  ;  and  with  the  loss  of  his  own  name  he  lost 
also  more  than  half  of  his  power.  Moreover  the 
increasing  infirmities  of  his  body  robbed  him  of 
efficiency  and  impaired  his  judgment.  He  was 
utterly  unable  to  keep  in  subordination  his  reck 
less  chancellor  of  the  exchequer,  betwixt  whom 
and  himself  no  good  will  had  ever  existed.  On  the 
other  hand,  this  irrepressible  Townshend  had  a  far 
better  ally  in  George  III.,  who  sympathized  in  his 
purposes,  gave  him  assistance  which  was  none  the 
less  powerful  for  being  indirect  and  occult,  and 
who  hated  and  ingeniously  thwarted  Shelburne. 
Moreover,  as  has  been  said,  it  was  a  popular  delu 
sion  that  Townshend  had  exceptionally  full  and 
accurate  knowledge  concerning  American  affairs. 
His  self-confident  air,  making  assurance  of  success, 
won  for  him  one  half  of  the  battle  by  so  sure  a 
presage  of  victory.  He  lured  the  members  of  the 
House  by  showing  them  a  considerable  remission 
in  their  own  taxes,  provided  they  would  stand  by 
his  scheme  of  replacing  the  deficit  by  an  income 
from  the  colonies ;  and  he  boldly  assured  his  de 
lighted  auditors  that  he  knew  "the  mode  by 


148  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

which  a  revenue  could  be  drawn  from  America 
without  offense."  He  was  of  the  thoughtless  class 
which  learns  no  lesson.  He  still  avowed  himself 
"a  firm  advocate  of  the  Stamp  Act,"  and  with 
cheerful  scorn  he  "  laughed  at  the  absurd  distinc 
tion  between  internal  and  external  taxes."  He 
did  not  expect,  he  merrily  said,  alluding  to  the  dis 
tinction  just  conferred  upon  Chatham,  to  have 
his  statue  erected  in  America.  The  reports  of  his 
speeches  kept  the  colonial  mind  disquieted.  The 
act  requiring  the  provinces  in  which  regiments  were 
quartered  to  provide  barracks  and  rations  for  the 
troops  at  the  public  expense  was  a  further  irrita 
tion.  Shelburne  sought  to  make  the  burden  as 
easy  as  possible,  but  Townshend  made  Shelburne's 
duties  as  hard  as  possible.  Of  what  use  were  the 
minister's  liberality  and  moderation,  when  the  chan 
cellor  of  the  exchequer  evoked  alarm  and  wrath 
by  announcing  insolently  that  he  was  for  govern 
ing  the  Americans  as  subjects  of  Great  Britain, 
and  for  restraining  their  trade  and  manufactures  in 
subordination  to  those  of  the  mother  country  !  So 
the  struggle  went  on  within  the  ministry  as  well  as 
without  it ;  but  the  opponents  of  royal  prejudice 
were  heavily  handicapped ;  for  the  king,  though 
stupid  in  general,  had  some  political  skill  and  much 
authority.  His  ill  -  concealed  personal  hostility  to 
his  "  enemy,"  as  he  called  Shelburne,  threatened 
like  the  little  cloud  in  the  colonial  horizon.  Nor 
was  it  long  before  Chatham,  a  dispirited  wreck, 
withdrew  himself  entirely  from  all  active  partici- 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  149 

pation  in  affairs,  shut  himself  up  at  Hayes,  and 
refused  to  be  seen  by  any  one  who  wished  to  talk 
on  business. 

On  May  1 3,  1767,  colonial  agents  and  merchants 
trading  to  America  were  refused  admission  to 
hear  the  debates  in  the  House  of  Commons.  Upon 
that  day  Townshend  was  to  develop  his  scheme. 
By  way,  as  it  were,  of  striking  a  keynote,  he  pro 
posed  that  the  Province  of  New  York  should  be 
restrained  from  enacting  any  legislation  until  it 
should  comply  with  the  "billeting  act,"  against 
which  it  had  heretofore  been  recalcitrant.  He 
then  sketched  a  scheme  for  an  American  board  of 
commissioners  of  customs.  Finally  he  came  to  the 
welcome  point  of  the  precise  taxes  which  he  de 
signed  to  levy :  he  proposed  duties  on  wine,  oil,  and 
fruits,  imported  directly  into  the  colonies  from 
Spain  and  Portugal;  also  on  glass,  paper,  lead, 
colors,  and  china,  and  three  pence  per  pound  on  tea. 
The  governors  and  chief  justices,  most  of  whom 
were  already  appointed  by  the  king,  but  who  got 
their  pay  by  vote  of  the  colonial  assemblies,  were 
hereafter  to  have  fixed  salaries,  to  be  paid  by  the 
king  from  this  American  revenue.  Two  days  later 
the  resolutions  were  passed,  directing  the  introduc 
tion  of  bills  to  carry  out  these  several  propositions, 
and  a  month  later  the  bills  themselves  were  passed. 

Meantime  the  cabinet  was  again  getting  very 
rickety,  and  many  heads  were  busy  with  sugges 
tions  for  patching  it  in  one  part  or  another.  With 
Chatham  in  retreat  and  the  king  in  the  ascendant, 


150  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

it  seemed  that  Townshend  had  the  surest  seat.  But 
there  is  one  risk  against  which  even  monarchs  can 
not  insure  their  favorites,  and  that  risk  now  fell 
out  against  Townshend.  He  died  suddenly  of  a 
fever,  in  September,  1767.  Lord  North  succeeded 
him,  destined  to  do  everything  which  his  royal 
master  desired  him  to  do,  and  bitterly  to  repent 
it.  A  little  later,  in  December,  the  king  scored  an 
other  success ;  Shelburne  was  superseded  in  the 
charge  of  the  colonies  by  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough, 
who  reentered  the  board  of  trade  as  first  commis 
sioner,  and  came  into  the  cabinet  with  the  new 
title  of  secretary  of  state  for  the  colonies. 

Hillsborough  was  an  Irish  peer,  with  some  little 
capacity  for  business,  but  of  no  more  than  moderate 
general  ability.  He  also  was  supposed,  altogether 
erroneously,  to  possess  a  little  more  knowledge,  or, 
as  it  might  have  been  better  expressed,  to  be 
shackled  witli  a  little  less  ignorance,  concerning 
colonial  affairs  than  could  be  predicated  of  most  of 
the  noblemen  who  were  eligible  for  public  office. 
America  had  acquired  so  much  importance  that  the 
reputation  of  familiarity  with  its  condition  was  an 
excellent  recommendation  for  preferment.  Frank 
lin  wrote  that  this  change  in  the  ministry  was 
"  very  sudden  and  unexpected  ;  "  and  that  "  whether 
my  Lord  Hillsborough's  administration  will  be 
more  stable  than  others  have  been  for  a  long  time, 
is  quite  uncertain ;  but  as  his  inclinations  are 
rather  favorable  towards  us  (so  far  as  he  thinks 
consistent  with  what  he  supposes  the  unquestion- 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  151 

able  rights  of  Britain),  I  cannot  but  wish  it  may 
continue." 

It  was  Franklin's  temperament  to  be  hopeful, 
and  he  also  purposely  cultivated  the  wise  habit 
of  not  courting  ill  fortune  by  anticipating  it. 
In  this  especial  instance,  however,  he  soon  found 
that  his  hopefulness  was  misplaced.  Within  six 
months  he  discovered  that  this  new  secretary 
looked  upon  the  provincial  agents  "  with  an  evil 
eye,  as  obstructors  of  ministerial  measures,"  and 
would  be  well  pleased  to  get  rid  of  them  as  *'  un 
necessary  "  impediments  in  the  transaction  of 
business.  "  In  truth,"  he  adds,  "  the  nominations, 
particularly  of  Dr.  Lee  and  myself,  have  not  been 
at  all  agreeable  to  his  lordship."  It  soon  appeared 
that  his  lordship  had  the  Irish  quickness  for  taking 
a  keen  point  of  law  ;  he  broached  the  theory  that 
no  agent  could  lawfully  be  appointed  by  the  mere 
resolution  of  an  assembly,  but  that  the  appointment 
must  be  made  by  bill.  The  value  of  this  theory 
is  obvious  when  we  reflect  that  a  bill  did  not  be 
come  law,  and  consequently  an  appointment  could 
not  be  completed,  save  by  the  signature  of  the  pro 
vincial  governor.  "  This  doctrine,  if  he  could  es 
tablish  it,"  said  Franklin,  "  would  in  a  manner  give 
to  his  lordship  the  power  of  appointing,  or,  at 
least,  negativing  any  choice  of  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  and  Council,  since  it  would  be  easy  for 
him  to  instruct  the  governor  not  to  assent  to  the 
appointment  of  such  and  such  men,  who  are  obnox 
ious  to  him ;  so  that  if  the  appointment  is  annual, 


152  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

every  agent  that  valued  his  post  must  consider  him 
self  as  holding  it  by  the  favor  of  his  lordship ; w 
whereof  the  consequences  were  easy  to  be  seen. 

There  was  a  lively  brush  between  the  noble  sec 
retary  and  Franklin,  when  the  former  first  pro 
pounded  this  troublesome  view.  It  was  in  January, 
1771,  that  Franklin  called  upon  his  lordship  — 

"  to  pay  my  respects  .  .  .  and  to  acquaint  him  with  my 
appointment  by  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay  to  be  their  agent  here."  But  his  lordship 
interrupted  :  — 

"  I  must  set  you  right  there,  Mr.  Franklin ;  you  are 
not  agent. 

"Why,  my  lord? 

"  You  are  not  appointed. 

"I  do  not  understand  your  lordship ;  I  have  the 
appointment  in  my  pocket. 

"  You  are  mistaken  ;  I  have  later  and  better  advices. 
I  have  a  letter  from  Governor  Hutchinson  ;  he  would 
not  give  his  assent  to  the  bill. 

"  There  was  no  bill,  my  lord  ;  it  was  a  vote  of  the 
House. 

"  There  was  a  bill  presented  to  the  governor  for  the 
purpose  of  appointing  you  and  another,  one  Dr.  Lee  I 
think  he  is  called,  to  which  the  governor  refused  his 
assent. 

"  I  cannot  understand  this,  my  lord  ;  I  think  there 
must  be  some  mistake  in  it.  Is  your  lordship  quite 
sure  that  you  have  such  a  letter  ? 

"  I  will  convince  you  of  it  directly ;  Mr.  Pownall  will 
come  in  and  satisfy  you." 

So  Mr.  Pownall,  invoked   by  the   official   bell, 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  153 

appeared  upon  the  scene.  But  he  could  not  play 
his  part ;  he  was  obliged  to  say  that  there  was  no 
such  letter.  This  was  awkward  ;  but  Franklin  was 
too  civil  or  too  prudent  to  triumph  in  the  discom 
fiture  of  the  other.  He  simply  offered  the  "au 
thentic  copy  of  the  vote  of  the  House  "  appointing 
him,  and  asked  if  his  lordship  would  "please  to 
look  at  it."  His  lordship  took  the  paper  unwil 
lingly,  and  then,  without  looking  at  it,  said :  — 

"  An  information  of  this  kind  is  not  properly  brought 
to  me  as  secretary  of  state.  The  board  of  trade  is  the 
proper  place. 

"  I  will  leave  the  paper  then  with  Mr.  Pownall  to  be  — 

"  (Hastily.)  To  what  end  would  you  leave  it  with 
him? 

"  To  be  entered  on  the  minutes  of  the  board,  as  usual. 

"  (Angrily.)  It  shall  not  be  entered  there.  No  such 
paper  shall  be  entered  there  while  I  have  anything  to  do 
with  the  business  of  that  board.  The  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  has  no  right  to  appoint  an  agent.  We  shall 
take  no  notice  of  any  agents  but  such  as  are  appointed 
by  acts  of  Assembly,  to  which  the  governor  gives  his 
assent.  We  have  had  confusion  enough  already.  Here 
is  one  agent  appointed  by  the  Council,  another  by  the 
House  of  Representatives.1  Which  of  these  is  agent  for 
the  Province  ?  Who  are  we  to  hear  in  provincial  affairs  ? 
An  agent  appointed  by  act  of  Assembly  we  can  under- 

1  The  agent  for  the  Council,  Mr.  Bollan,  acted  in  entire  accord 
with  Dr.  Franklin  ;  there  was  no  inconsistency  between  the  two 
offices,  which  were  altogether  distinct,  neither  any  clashing  be 
tween  the  incumbents,  as  might  be  inferred  from  Lord  Hillsbor- 
ough's  language. 


154  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

stand.  No  other  will  be  attended  to  for  the  future,  I 
can  assure  you. 

"  I  cannot  conceive,  my  lord,  why  the  consent  of  the 
governor  should  be  thought  necessary  to  the  appointment 
of  an  agent  for  the  people.  It  seems  to  me  that  — 

"  ( With  a  mixed  look  of  anger  and  contempt.)  I 
shall  not  enter  into  a  dispute  with  you,  Sir,  upon  this 
subject. 

u  I  beg  your  lordship's  pardon ;  I  do  not  mean  to 
dispute  with  your  lordship.  I  would  only  say  that  it 
appears  to  me  that  every  body  of  men  who  cannot  appear 
in  person,  where  business  relating  to  them  may  be  trans 
acted,  should  have  a  right  to  appear  by  an  agent.  The 
concurrence  of  the  governor  does  not  seem  to  be  neces 
sary.  It  is  the  business  of  the  people  that  is  to  be  done ; 
he  is  not  one  of  them ;  he  is  himself  an  agent. 

"  (Hastily.)  Whose  agent  is  he  ? 

"  The  king's,  my  lord. 

11  No  such  matter.  He  is  one  of  the  corporation  by 
the  Province  charter.  No  agent  can  be  appointed  but 
by  an  act,  nor  any  act  pass  without  his  assent.  Besides, 
this  proceeding  is  directly  contrary  to  express  in 
structions. 

"  I  did  not  know  there  had  been  such  instructions. 
I  am  not  concerned  in  any  offense  against  them,  and  — 

"  Yes,  your  offering  such  a  paper  to  be  entered  is  an 
offense  against  them.  No  such  appointment  shall  be  en 
tered.  When  I  came  into  the  administration  of  Amer 
ican  affairs  I  found  them  in  great  disorder.  By  my 
firmness  they  are  now  something  mended  ;  and  while  I 
have  the  honor  to  hold  the  seals  I  shall  continue  the 
same  conduct,  the  same  firmness.  I  think  my  duty  to 
the  master  I  serve,  and  to  the  government  of  this  nation, 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  155 

requires  it  of  me.  If  that  conduct  is  not  approved,  they 
may  take  that  office  from  me  when  they  please :  I  shall 
make  them  a  bow  and  thank  them ;  I  shall  resign  with 
pleasure.  That  gentleman  [Mr.  Pownall]  knows  it ;  but 
while  I  continue  in  it  I  shall  resolutely  persevere  in  the 
same  firmness." 

Speaking  thus,  his  lordship  seemed  warm,  and 
grew  pale,  as  if  "  angry  at  something  or  somebody 
besides  the  agent,  and  of  more  consequence  to  him 
self."  Franklin  thereupon,  taking  back  his  creden 
tials,  said,  speaking  with  an  innuendo  aimed  at  that 
which  had  not  been  expressed,  but  which  lay  plainly 
visible  behind  his  lordship's  pallor  and  excite 
ment  :  — 

"  I  beg  your  lordship's  pardon  for  taking  up  so  much 
of  your  lordship's  time.  It  is,  I  believe,  of  no  great 
importance  whether  the  appointment  is  acknowledged  or 
not,  for  I  have  not  the  least  conception  that  an  agent 
can,  at  present,  be  of  any  use  to  any  of  the  colonies.  I 
shall  therefore  give  your  lordship  no  further  trouble." 

Therewith  he  made  his  exit,  and  went  home  to 
write  the  foregoing  sketch  of  the  scene.  Certainly 
throughout  so  irritating  an  interview  he  had  con 
ducted  himself  with  creditable  self-restraint  and 
moderation,  yet  with  his  closing  sentence  he  had 
sent  home  a  dart  which  rankled.  He  soon  heard 
that  his  lordship  "  took  great  offense  "  at  these  last 
words,  regarding  them  as  "  extremely  rude  and 
abusive,"  and  as  "  equivalent  to  telling  him  to  his 
face  that  the  colonies  could  expect  neither  favor 
nor  justice  during  his  administration."  "  I  find," 


156  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

adds  Franklin,  with  placid  satisfaction  in  the  skill 
with  which  he  had  shot  his  bolt,  "  I  find  he  did  not 
mistake  me." 

So  Franklin  retained  the  gratification  which  lies 
in  having  administered  a  stinging  and  appreciated 
retort ;  a  somewhat  empty  and  entirely  personal 
gratification,  it  must  be  admitted.  Hillsborough 
kept  the  substance  of  victory,  inasmuch  as  he  per 
sisted  in  refusing  to  recognize  Franklin  as  the  agent 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay.  Yet  in  this  he  did  not 
annihilate,  indeed  very  slightly  curtailed,  Franklin's 
usefulness.  It  merely  signified  that  Franklin  ceased 
to  be  an  official  conduit  for  petitions  and  like  com 
munications.  His  weight  and  influence,  based  upon 
his  knowledge  and  prestige,  remained  unimpugned. 
In  a  word,  it  was  of  little  consequence  that  the 
lord  secretary  would  not  acknowledge  him  as  the 
representative  of  one  Province,  so  long  as  all  Eng 
land  practically  treated  him  as  the  representative 
of  all  America. 

From  this  time  forth,  of  course,  there  was  warfare 
between  the  secretary  and  the  unacknowledged 
agent.  Franklin  began  to  entertain  a  "  very  mean 
opinion "  of  Hillsborough's  "  abilities  and  fitness 
for  his  station.  His  character  is  conceit,  wrong- 
head  edness,  obstinacy,  and  passion.  Those  who 
speak  most  favorably  of  him  allow  all  this ;  they 
only  add  that  he  is  an  honest  man  and  means  well. 
If  that  be  true,  as  perhaps  it  may,  I  only  wish  him 
a  better  place,  where  only  honesty  and  well-mean 
ing  are  required,  and  where  his  other  qualities  can 


SECOND  MISSION   TO  ENGLAND.  157 

do  no  harm.  ...  I  hope,  however,  that  our  affairs 
will  not  much  longer  be  perplexed  and  embarrassed 
by  his  perverse  and  senseless  management."  But 
for  the  present  Franklin  was  of  opinion  that  it 
would  be  well  "  to  leave  this  omniscient,  infallible 
minister  to  his  own  devices,  and  be  no  longer  at  the 
expense  of  sending  any  agent,  whom  he  can  displace 
by  a  repeal  of  the  appointing  act." 

Hillsborough's  theory  was  adopted  by  the  board 
of  trade,  and  Franklin  therefore  remained  practi 
cally  stripped  of  the  important  agency  for  Massa 
chusetts.  He  anticipated  that  this  course  would 
soon  put  an  end  to  all  the  colonial  agencies ;  but 
he  said  that  the  injury  would  be  quite  as  great 
to  the  English  government  as  to  the  colonies,  for 
the  agents  had  often  saved  the  cabinet  from  intro 
ducing,  through  misinformation,  "  mistaken  meas 
ures,"  which  it  would  afterward  have  found  to  be 
"  very  inconvenient."  He  expressed  his  own  opin 
ion  that  when  the  colonies  "  came  to  be  considered 
in  the  light  of  distinct  states,  as  I  conceive  they 
really  are,  possibly  their  agents  may  be  treated 
with  more  respect  and  considered  more  as  public 
ministers."  But  this  was  a  day-dream  ;  the  current 
was  setting  in  quite  the  opposite  direction. 

In  point  of  fact,  Massachusetts  seems  to  have 
taken  no  detriment  from  this  foolish  and  captious 
bit  of  chicanery.  All  the  papers  and  arguments 
which  she  had  occasion  to  have  presented  always 
found  their  way  to  their  destination  as  well  as  they 
would  have  done  if  Franklin  had  been  acknowl- 


158  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

edged  as  the  quasi  public  minister,  which  he  con 
ceived  to  be  his  proper  character. 

Franklin  perfectly  appreciated  that  Hillsborough. 
retained  his  position  by  precarious  tenure.  He 
shrewdly  suspected  that  if  the  war  with  Spain, 
which  then  seemed  imminent,  were  to  break  out, 
Hillsborough  would  at  once  be  removed.  For  in 
that  case  it  would  be  the  policy  of  the  government 
to  conciliate  the  colonies,  at  any  cost,  for  the  time 
being.  This  crisis  passed  by,  fortunately  for  the 
secretary  and  unfortunately  for  the  provinces. 
Yet  still  the  inefficient  and  ill-friended  minister 
remained  very  infirm  in  his  seat.  An  excuse  only 
was  needed  to  displace  him,  and  by  a  singular  and 
unexpected  chance  Franklin  furnished  that  excuse. 
It  was  the  humble  and  discredited  colonial  agent 
who  unwittingly  but  not  unwillingly  gave  the  jar 
which  toppled  the  great  earl  into  retirement.  His 
fall  when  it  came  gave  general  satisfaction.  His 
unfitness  for  his  position  had  become  too  obvious 
to  be  denied  ;  he  had  given  offense  in  quarters 
where  he  should  have  made  friends  ;  he  had  irri 
tated  the  king  and  provoked  the  cabinet.  Frank 
lin,  with  his  observant  sagacity,  quickly  divined 
that  George  III.  was  "  tired  "  of  Hillsborough  and 
"of  his  administration,  which  had  weakened  the 
affection  and  respect  of  the  colonies  for  a  royal 
government ;  "  and  accordingly  he  "  used  proper 
means  from  time  to  time  that  his  majesty  should 
have  clue  information  and  convincing  proofs  "  of 
this  effect  of  his  lordship's  colonial  policy. 


SECOND  MISSION   TO  ENGLAND.  159 

It  was,  however,  upon  a  comparatively  trifling 
matter  that  Hillsborough  finally  lost  his  place.  It 
has  been  already  mentioned  that  many  years  before 
this  time  Franklin  had  urged  the  establishment  of 
one  or  two  frontier,  or  "  barrier,"  provinces  in  the 
interior.  He  had  never  abandoned  this  scheme, 
and  of  late  had  been  pushing  it  with  some  prospect 
of  success  ;  for  among  other  encouraging  features 
he  astutely  induced  three  privy  councilors  to  be 
come  financially  interested  in  the  project.  The 
original  purpose  of  the  petitioners  had  been  to  ask 
for  only  2,500,000  acres  of  land  ;  but  Hillsborough 
bade  them  ask  for  "  enough  to  make  a  province." 
This  advice  was  grossly  disingenuous ;  for  Hills- 
borough  himself  afterward  admitted  that  from  the 
beginning  he  had  intended  to  defeat  the  applica 
tion,  and  had  put  the  memorialists  "  upon  asking  so 
much  with  that  very  view,  supposing  it  too  much 
to  be  granted."  But  they,  not  suspecting,  fell  into 
the  trap  and  increased  their  demand  to  23,000,000 
acres,  certainly  a  sufficient  quantity  to  call  for  se 
rious  consideration.  When  the  petition  came  be 
fore  the  board  of  trade,  Lord  Hillsborough,  who 
was  president  of  the  board,  took  upon  himself  the 
task  of  rendering  a  report.  To  the  surprise  of  the 
petitioners,  who  had  reason  to  suppose  him  well  in 
clined,  he  replied  adversely.  The  region  was  so 
far  away,  he  said,  that  it  would  not  "lie  within  the 
reach  of  the  trade  and  commerce  of  this  king 
dom  ; "  so  far,  also,  as  not  to  admit  of  "  the  exer 
cise  of  that  authority  and  jurisdiction  .  .  .  neces- 


160  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

sary  for  the  preservation  of  the  colonies  in  due 
subordination  to  and  dependence  upon  the  mother 
country."  The  territory  appeared,  "  upon  the  full 
est  evidence,"  to  be  "  utterly  inaccessible  to  ship 
ping,"  and  therefore  the  inhabitants  would  "  prob 
ably  be  led  to  manufacture  for  themselves, ...  a 
consequence  .  .  .  to  be  carefully  guarded  against." 
Also  part  belonged  to  the  Indians,  who  ought  not 
to  be  disturbed,  and  settlements  therein  would  of 
course  lead  to  Indian  wars  and  to  "  fighting  for 
every  inch  of  the  ground." '  Further,  the  occupa 
tion  of  this  tract  "  must  draw  and  carry  out  a  great 
number  of  people  from  Great  Britain,"  who  would 
soon  become  "  a  kind  of  separate  and  independent 
people,  .  .  .  and  set  up  for  themselves,"  meeting 
their  own  wants  and  taking  no  "  supplies  from  the 
mother  country  nor  from  the  provinces  "  along  the 
seaboard.  At  so  great  a  distance  from  "  the  seat 
of  government,  courts,  magistrates,  etc.,"  the  terri 
tory  would  "  become  a  receptacle  and  kind  of  asy 
lum  for  offenders,"  full  of  crime  itself,  and  encour 
aging  crime  elsewhere.  This  disorderly  population 
would  soon  "  become  formidable  enough  to  oppose 
his  majesty's  authority,  disturb  government,  and 
even  give  law  to  the  other  or  first-settled  part  of 
the  country,  and  thus  throw  everything  into  confu 
sion."  Such  arguments  were  as  feeble  as  they  were 
bodeful.  The  only  point  which  his  lordship  really 
scored  was  in  reply  to  Franklin's  theory  of  the 
protection  against  the  Indians  which  these  colonies 
would  afford  to  those  on  the  seaboard.  Hillsbor- 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  161 

ough  well  said  that  the  new  settlements  themselves 
would  stand  most  in  need  of  protection.  It  was 
only  advancing,  not  eliminating,  a  hostile  frontier. 
Evidently  it  required  no  very  able  reasoning, 
coming  from  the  president  of  the  board,  to  per 
suade  his  subordinates  ;  and  this  foolish  report  was 
readily  adopted.  But  Franklin  was  not  so  easily 
beaten ;  the  privy  council  furnished  one  more  stage 
at  which  he  could  still  make  a  fight.  He  drew  up 
a  reply  to  Lord  Hillsborough's  paper  and  submit 
ted  it  to  that  body.  It  was  a  long  and  very  care 
fully  prepared  document;  it  dealt  in  facts  histor 
ical  and  statistical,  in  which  the  report  was  utterly 
deficient ;  it  furnished  evidence  and  illustration  ; 
in  arguing  upon  probabilities  it  went  far  toward 
demolishing  the  theories  advanced  by  the  president 
of  the  board.  The  two  briefs  were  laid  before  a 
tribunal  in  which  three  men  sat  who  certainly  ought 
not  to  have  been  sitting  in  this  cause,  since  Frank 
lin's  interest  was  also  their  own  ;  but  probably  this 
did  not  more  than  counterbalance  the  prestige  of 
official  position  in  the  opposite  scale.  Certainly 
Franklin  had  followed  his  invariable  custom  of 
furnishing  his  friends  with  ample  material  to 
justify  them  in  befriending  him.  In  this  respect 
he  always  gallantly  stood  by  his  own  side.  The 
allies  whom  at  any  time  he  sought  he  always  abun 
dantly  supplied  with  plain  facts  and  sound  argu 
ments,  in  which  weapons  he  always  placed  his  chief 
trust.  So  at  present,  whatever  was  the  motive 
which  induced  privy  councilors  to  open  their  ears 


162  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

to  what  Franklin  had  to  say,  after  they  had  heard 
him  they  could  not  easily  decide  against  him.  Nor 
had  those  of  them  who  were  personally  disinter 
ested  any  great  inducement  to  do  so,  since,  though 
some  of  them  may  have  disliked  him,  none  of  them 
had  any  great  liking  for  his  noble  opponent.  So 
they  set  aside  the  report  of  the  board  of  trade.1 

Upon  this  Lord  Hillsborough  fell  into  a  hot 
rage,  and  sent  in  his  resignation.  It  was  generally 
understood  that  he  had  no  notion  that  it  would  be 
accepted,  or  that  he  would  be  allowed  to  leave  upon 
such  a  grievance.  He  fancied  that  he  was  estab 
lishing  a  dilemma  which  would  impale  Franklin. 
But  he  was  in  error  ;  he  himself  was  impaled.  No 
one  expostulated  with  him  ;  he  was  left  to  exercise 
*'  the  Christian  virtue  of  resignation  "  without  hin 
drance.  Franklin  said  that  the  anticipation  of 
precisely  this  result,  so  far  from  being  an  obsta 
cle  in  the  way  of  his  own  success,  had  been  an 
additional  incitement  to  the  course  taken  by  the 
council. 

So  the  earl,  the  enemy  of  America,  went  out ; 
and  the  colonial  agent  had  shown  him  the  door, 
with  all  England  looking  on.  It  was  a  mortifica 
tion  which  Hillsborough  could  never  forgive,  and 
upon  four  occasions,  when  Franklin  made  the  con 
ventional  call  to  pay  his  respects,  he  did  not  find 
his  lordship  at  home.  At  his  fifth  call  he  received 
from  a  lackey  a  very  plain  intimation  that  there 

1  A  very  interesting  statement  of  these  proceedings  may  be 
found  in  Franklin's  Works ,  x.  346. 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  163 

was  no  chance  that  he  ever  would  find  the  ex-secre 
tary  at  home,  and  thereafter  he  desisted  from  the 
forms  of  civility.  "  I  have  never  since,"  he  said, 
"  been  nigh  him,  and  we  have  only  abused  one  an 
other  at  a  distance."  Franklin  had  fully  balanced 
one  account  at  least. 

So  far  as  the  special  matter  in  hand  was  con 
cerned,  the  worsting  of  Hillsborough,  though  a 
gratification,  did  not  result  in  the  bettering  of 
Franklin  and  his  co-petitioners.  April  6,  1773,  he 
wrote  :  "  The  affair  of  the  grant  goes  on  but  slowly. 
I  do  not  yet  clearly  see  land.  I  begin  to  be  a  little 
of  the  sailors'  mind,  when  they  were  landing  a  cable 
out  of  a  store  into  a  ship,  and  one  of  'em  said : 
'  'T  is  a  long  heavy  cable,  I  wish  we  could  see  the 
end  of  it.'  4  Damn  me,'  says  another,  '  if  I  be 
lieve  it  has  any  end ;  somebody  has  cut  it  off.'  ' 
A  cable  twisted  of  British  red  tape  was  indeed  a 
coil  without  an  end.  In  this  case,  before  the  patent 
was  granted,  Franklin  had  become  so  unpopular, 
and  the  Revolution  so  imminent,  that  the  matter 
was  dropped  by  a  sort  of  universal  consent. 

Franklin  rejoiced  in  this  departure  of  Hills- 
borough  as  a  good  riddance  of  a  man  whom  he 
thought  to  be  as  "  double  and  deceitful "  as  any 
one  he  had  ever  met.  It  is  possible  that,  as  he  had 
been  instrumental  in  creating  the  vacancy,  he  may 
also  have  assisted  in  some  small  degree  in  dispos 
ing  of  the  succession.  One  day  he  was  complain 
ing  of  Hillsborough  to  a  "  friend  at  court,"  when 
the  friend  replied  that  Hillsborough  was  wont  to 


164  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

represent  the  Americans  "  as  an  unquiet  people, 
not  easily  satisfied  with  any  ministry ;  that,  how 
ever,  it  was  thought  too  much  occasion  had  been 
given  them  to  dislike  the  present ;  "  and  the  ques 
tion  was  asked  whether,  in  case  of  Hillsborough's 
removal,  Franklin  "  could  name  another  likely  to 
be  more  acceptable"  to  his  countrymen.  He  at 
once  suggested  Lord  Dartmouth.  This  was  the 
appointment  which  was  now  made,  in  August, 
1772,  and  the  news  of  which  gave  much  satisfac 
tion  to  all  the  "  friends  of  America."  For  Dart 
mouth  was  of  kindly  disposition,  and  when  previ 
ously  president  of  the  board  of  trade  had  shown  a 
liberal  temper  in  provincial  affairs. 

The  relationship  between  Franklin  and  Lord 
Dartmouth  opened  auspiciously.  Franklin  waited 
upon  him  at  his  first  levee,  at  the  close  of  October, 
1772,  and  was  received  "  very  obligingly."  Fur 
ther  Franklin  was  at  once  recognized  as  agent  for 
Massachusetts,  with  no  renewal  of  the  caviling  as 
to  the  manner  of  his  appointment,  from  which  he 
hopefully  augured  that  "  business  was  getting  into 
a  better  train."  A  month  later  he  reported  him 
self  as  being  still  "  upon  very  good  terms  "  with  the 
new  minister,  who,  he  had  "  reason  to  think,"  meant 
well  by  the  colonies."  So  Dartmouth  did,  un 
doubtedly,  and  if  the  best  of  intentions  and  of  feel 
ings  could  have  availed  much  at  this  stage  of  affairs, 
Franklin  and  his  lordship  might  have  postponed 
the  Revolution  until  the  next  generation.  But  it 
was  too  late  to  counteract  the  divergent  movements 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  1(35 

of  the  two  nations,  and  no  better  proof  could  be 
desired  of  the  degree  to  which  this  divergence  had 
arrived  than  the  fact  itself  that  the  moderate 
Franklin  and  the  well  -  disposed  Dartmouth  could 
not  come  into  accord.  Each  people  had  declared 
its  political  faith,  its  fundamental  theory ;  and  the 
faith  and  theory  of  the  one  were  fully  and  fairly 
adverse  to  those  of  the  other ;  and  the  instant  that 
the  talk  went  deep  enough,  this  irreconcilable  dif 
ference  was  sure  to  be  exposed. 

During  the  winter  of  1772-3,  following  Lord 
Dartmouth's  appointment,  a  lively  dispute  arose 
in  Massachusetts  between  the  Assembly  and  Gov 
ernor  Hutchinson.  It  was  the  old  question,  whe 
ther  the  English  Parliament  had  control  in  matters 
of  colonial  taxation.  The  governor  made  speeches 
and  said  Yea,  while  the  Assembly  passed  resolu 
tions  and  said  Nay.  The  early  ships,  arriving  in 
England  in  the  spring  of  1773,  brought  news  of 
this  dispute,  which  seemed  to  have  been  indeed  a 
hot  one.  The  English  ministry  were  not  pleased  ; 
they  wanted  to  keep  their  relationship  with  the 
colonies  tranquil  for  a  while,  because  there  was  a 
renewal  of  the  danger  of  a  war  with  Spain.  There 
fore  they  were  vexed  at  the  over  zeal  of  Hutchin 
son  ;  and  Lord  Dartmouth  frankly  said  so.  Frank 
lin  called  one  day  upon  the  secretary  and  found 
him  much  perplexed  at  the  "  difficulties "  into 
which  the  governor  had  brought  the  ministers  by 
his  "  imprudence."  Parliament,  his  lordship  said, 
could  not  "  suffer  such  a  declaration  of  the  colonial 


166  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Assembly,  asserting  its  independence,  to  pass  un 
noticed."  Franklin  thought  otherwise :  "It  is 
words  only,"  he  said ;  "  acts  of  Parliament  are 
still  submitted  to  there  ;  "  and  so  long  as  such  was 
the  case  "  Parliament  would  do  well  to  turn  a  deaf 
ear.  .  .  .  Force  could  do  110  good."  Force,  it  was 
replied,  might  not  be  thought  of,  but  rather  an  act 
to  lay  the  colonies  "  under  some  inconveniences,  till 
they  rescind  that  declaration."  Could  they  by  no 
possibility  be  persuaded  to  withdraw  it  ?  Franklin 
was  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  resolve  could  only 
be  withdrawn  after  the  withdrawal  of  the  speech 
which  it  answered,  "  an  awkward  operation,  which 
perhaps  the  governor  would  hardly  be  directed  to 
perform."  As  for  an  act  establishing  "  inconven 
iences,"  probably  it  would  only  put  the  colonies,  "as 
heretofore,  on  some  method  of  incommoding  this 
country  till  the  act  is  repealed ;  and  so  we  shall  go 
on  injuring  and  provoking  each  other  instead  of 
cultivating  that  good-will  and  harmony  so  necessary 
to  the  general  welfare."  Divisions,  his  lordship 
admitted,  "  must  weaken  the  whole  ;  for  we  are  yet 
one  empire,  whatever  may  be  the  opinions  of  the 
Massachusetts  Assembly."  But  how  to  escape 
divisions  was  the  conundrum.  Could  his  lordship 
withhold  from  Parliament  the  irritating  documents, 
though  in  fact  they  were  already  notorious,  and 
"  hazard  the  being  called  to  account  in  some  future 
session  of  Parliament  for  keeping  back  the  com 
munication  of  despatches  of  such  importance  ? " 
He  appealed  to  Franklin  for  advice ;  but  Franklin 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  167 

would  undertake  to  give  none,  save  that,  in  his 
opinion,  if  the  despatches  should  be  laid  before  Par 
liament,  it  would  be  prudent  to  order  them  to  lie 
on  the  table.  For,  he  said,  "  were  I  as  much  an 
Englishman  as  I  am  an  American,  and  ever  so  de 
sirous  of  establishing  the  authority  of  Parliament, 
I  protest  to  your  lordship  I  cannot  conceive  of  a 
single  step  the  Parliament  can  take  to  increase  it 
that  will  not  tend  to  diminish  it,  and  after  abun 
dance  of  mischief  they  must  finally  lose  it."  So 
whenever  the  crucial  test  was  applied  these  two 
men  found  themselves  utterly  at  variance,  and  the 
hopelessness  of  a  peaceful  conclusion  would  have 
been  obvious,  had  not  each  shunned  a  prospect  so 
painful. 

It  must  be  confessed  that,  if  Lord  Dartmouth 
was  so  pathetically  desirous  to  undo  an  irrevocable 
past,  Dr.  Franklin  was  no  less  anxious  for  the  per 
formance  of  a  like  miracle.  Both  the  statesman 
and  the  philosopher  would  have  appreciated  better 
the  uselessness  of  their  efforts,  had  their  feelings 
been  less  deeply  engaged.  Franklin's  vain  wish  at 
this  time  was  to  move  the  peoples  of  England  and 
America  back  to  the  days  before  the  passage  of 
the  Stamp  Act.  "  I  have  constantly  given  it  as 
my  opinion,"  he  wrote,  early  in  1771,  "that,  if 
the  colonies  were  restored  to  the  state  they  were  in 
before  the  Stamp  Act,  they  would  be  satisfied  and 
contend  no  farther."  Two  and  a  half  years  later, 
following  the  fable  of  the  sibylline  books,  he  ex 
pressed  the  more  extreme  opinion  that  "  the  letter 


168  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

of  the  two  houses  of  the  29th  of  June,  proposing 
as  a  satisfactory  measure  the  restoring  things  to 
the  state  in  which  they  were  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  late  war,  is  a  fair  and  generous  offer  on  our 
part,  .  .  .  and  more  than  Britain  has  a  right  to  ex 
pect  from  us.  ...  If  she  has  any  wisdom  left,  she 
will  embrace  it,  and  agree  with  us  immediately." 

But  the  insuperable  trouble  was  that,  at  the  close 
of  the  last  war  and  before  the  passage  of  the 
Stamp  Act,  the  controversy  upon  the  question  of 
right  had  been  unborn.  Now,  having  come  into 
being,  this  controversy  could  not  be  laid  at  rest  by 
a  mere  waiver ;  it  was  of  that  nature  that  its  resur 
rection  would  be  sure  and  speedy.  Anything  else 
would  have  been,  of  course,  the  practical  victory  of 
the  colonies  and  defeat  of  England ;  and  the  Eng 
lish  could  not  admit  that  things  had  reached  this 
pass  as  yet.  If  England  should  not  renounce  her 
right,  the  colonies  would  always  remain  uneasy  be 
neath  the  unretracted  assertion  of  it ;  if  sfce  should 
never  again  seek  to  exercise  it,  she  would  be  really 
yielding.  It  was  idle  to  talk  of  such  a  state  of 
affairs ;  it  couM  not  be  brought  about,  even  if  it 
were  conceivable  that  each  side  could  be  induced  to 
repeal  all  its  acts  and  resolves  touching  the  subject, 
—  and  even  this  preliminary  step  was  what  no 
reasonable  man  could  anticipate.  In  a  word,  when 
Franklin  longed  for  the  restoration  of  the  status 
quo  ante  the  Stamp  Act,  he  longed  for  a  chimera. 
A  question  had  been  raised,  which  was  of  that  kind 
that  it  could  not  be  compromised,  or  set  aside,  or 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  169 

ignored,  or  forgotten ;  it  must  be  settled  by  the  re 
cession  or  by  the  defeat  of  one  contestant  or  the 
other.  Nothing  better  than  a  brief  period  of  rest 
less  and  suspicious  truce  could  be  gained  by  an 
effort  to  restore  the  situation  of  a  previous  date, 
even  were  such  restoration  possible,  since  the  in 
tervening  period  and  the  memory  of  its  undeter 
mined  dispute  concerning  a  principle  could  not  be 
annihilated. 

Still  Franklin  persistently  refused  to  despair,  so 
long  as  peace  was  still  unbroken.  Until  blood  had 
been  shed,  war  might  be  avoided.  This  was  no 
lack  of  foresight;  occasionally  an  expression  es 
caped  him  which  showed  that  he  fully  understood 
the  drift  of  affairs  and  saw  the  final  outcome  of  the 
opposing  doctrines.  In  1769  he  said  that  matters 
were  daily  tending  more  and  more  "to  a  breach 
and  final  separation."  In  1771  he  thought  that 
any  one  might  "  clearly  see  in  the  system  of  cus 
toms  to  be  exacted  in  America  by  act  of  Parlia 
ment,  the  seeds  sown  of  a  total  disunion  of  the 
countries,  though  as  yet  that  event  may  be  at  a  con 
siderable  distance."  By  1774  he  said,  in  an  arti 
cle  written  for  an  English  newspaper,  that  certain 
"  angry  writers  "  on  the  English  side  were  using 
"  their  utmost  efforts  to  persuade  us  that  this  war 
with  the  colonies  (for  a  war  it  will  be)  is  a  na 
tional  cause,  when  in  fact  it  is  a  ministerial  one." 
But  he  very  rarely  spoke  thus.  It  was  at  once  his 
official  duty  as  well  as  his  strong  personal  wish  to 
find  some  other  exit  from  the  public  embarrass- 


170  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

ments  than  by  this  direful  conclusion.  Therefore, 
so  long  as  war  did  not  exist  he  refused  to  admit 
that  it  was  inevitable,  and  he  spared  no  effort  to 
prevent  it,  leaving  to  fervid  orators  to  declare  the 
contrary  and  to  welcome  it;  nor  would  he  ever 
allow  himself  to  be  discouraged  by  any  measure 
of  apparent  hopelessness. 

His  great  dread  was  that  the  colonies  might  go 
so  fast  and  so  far  as  to  make  matters  incurable  be 
fore  thinking  people  were  ready  to  recognize  such 
a  crisis  as  unavoidable.  He  seldom  wrote  home 
without  some  words  counseling  moderation.  He 
wanted  to  see  "  much  patience  and  the  utmost  dis 
cretion  in  our  general  conduct."  It  must  not, 
however,  be  supposed  that  such  language  was  used 
to  cover  any  lukewarmness,  or  irresolution,  or  ten 
dency  towards  halfway  or  temporizing  measures. 
On  the  contrary,  he  was  wholly  and  consistently 
the  opposite  of  all  this.  His  moderation  was  not 
at  all  akin  to  the  moderation  of  Dickinson  and 
such  men,  who  were  always  wanting  to  add  another 
to  the  long  procession  of  petitions  and  protests.  He 
only  desired  that  the  leading  should  be  done  by  the 
wise  men,  so  as  not  to  have  a  Braddock's  defeat  in 
so  grave  and  perilous  an  undertaking.  He  feared 
that  a  mob  might  make  an  irrevocable  blunder,  and 
the  mischievous  rabble  create  a  condition  of  affairs 
which  the  real  statesmen  of  the  provinces  could 
neither  mend  nor  excuse.  Certainly  his  anxiety 
was  not  without  cause.  He  warned  his  country 
people  that  there  was  nothing  which  their  enemies 


SECOND  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  171 

in  England  more  wished  than  that,  by  insurrec 
tions,  they  would  give  a  good  pretense  for  estab 
lishing  a  large  military  force  in  the  colonies.  As 
between  friends,  he  said,  every  affront  is  not  worth 
a  duel,  so  "  between  the  governed  and  governing 
every  mistake  in  government,  every  encroachment 
on  right,  is  not  worth  a  rebellion."  So  he  thought 
that  an  "  immediate  rupture  "  was  not  in  accord 
ance  with  "  general  prudence,"  for  by  "  a  prema 
ture  struggle  "  the  colonies  might  "  be  crippled  and 
kept  down  another  age."  No  one,  however,  was 
more  resolute  than  he  that  the  mistakes  and  en 
croachments  which  had  occurred  should  not  be  re 
peated.  An  assurance  against  such  repetition,  he 
tried  to  think,  might  be  effected  within  a  reason 
ably  short  time  by  two  peaceful  influences.  One 
of  these  was  a  cessation  of  all  colonial  purchases  of 
English  commodities ;  the  other  was  the  rapid  in 
crease  of  the  visible  strength  and  resources  of  the 
colonies.  He  was  urgent  and  frequent  in  reiterat 
ing  his  opinion  of  the  great  efficacy  of  the  non- 
purchasing  agreements.  It  is  a  little  odd  to  find 
him  actually  declaring  that,  if  the  people  would 
honestly  persist  in  these  engagements,  he  "  should 
almost  wish  "  the  obnoxious  act  "  never  to  be  re 
pealed  ;  "  for,  besides  industry  and  frugality,  such 
a  condition  of  things  would  promote  a  variety  of 
domestic  manufactures.  In  a  word,  this  British 
oppression  would  bring  about  all  those  advantages 
for  the  infant  nation,  which,  through  the  medium 
of  the  protective  tariff,  have  since  been  purchased 


172  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

by  Americans  at  a  vast  expense.  Moreover,  the 
money  which  used  to  be  sent  to  England  in  pay 
ment  for  superfluous  luxuries  would  be  kept  at 
home,  to  be  there  laid  out  in  domestic  improve 
ments.  Gold  and  silver,  the  scarcity  of  which 
caused  great  inconvenience  in  the  colonies,  would 
remain  in  the  country.  All  these  advantages  would 
accrue  from  a  course  which  at  the  same  time  must 
give  rise  in  England  itself  to  a  pressure  so  extreme 
that  Parliament  could  not  long  resist  it.  "  The 
trading  part  of  the  nation,  with  the  manufacturers, 
are  become  sensible  how  necessary  it  is  for  their 
welfare  to  be  on  good  terms  with  us.  The  peti 
tioners  of  Middlesex  and  of  London  have  num 
bered  among  their  grievances  the  unconstitutional 
taxes  on  America ;  and  similar  petitions  are  ex 
pected  from  all  quarters.  So  that  I  think  we  need 
only  be  quiet,  and  persevere  in  our  schemes  of  fru 
gality  and  industry,  and  the  rest  will  do  itself." 
But  it  was  obvious  that,  if  the  measures  were  not 
now  persisted  in  until  they  should  have  had  their 
full  effect,  a  like  policy  could  never  again  be  re 
sorted  to ;  and  Franklin  gave  it  as  his  belief  that, 
"  if  we  do  persist  another  year,  we  shall  never  af 
terwards  have  occasion  to  use  "  the  remedy. 

To  him  it  seemed  incredible  that  the  people  of 
America  should  not  loyally  persist  in  a  policy  of 
non-importation  of  English  goods.  Not  only  was 
the  doing  without  these  a  benefit  to  domestic  indus 
tries,  but  buying  them  was  a  direct  aid  and  mainte 
nance  to  the  oppressor.  He  said  :  "  If  our  people 


SECOND   MISSION   TO  ENGLAND.  173 

will,  by  consuming  such  commodities,  purchase  and 
pay  for  their  fetters,  who  that  sees  them  so  shackled 
will  think  they  deserve  either  redress  or  pity  ?  Me- 
thinks  that  in  drinking  tea,  a  true  American,  reflect 
ing  that  by  every  cup  he  contributed  to  the  salaries, 
pensions,  and  rewards  of  the  enemies  and  persecu 
tors  of  his  country,  would  be  half  choked  at  the 
thought,  and  find  no  quantity  of  sugar  sufficient  to 
make  the  nauseous  draught  go  down." l 

In  this  connection  he  was  much  "  diverted  "  and 
gratified  by  the  results  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and  espe 
cially  of  the  act  laying  the  duty  on  tea.  The  gross 
proceeds  of  the  former  statute,  gathered  in  the  West 
Indies  and  Canada,  since  substantially  nothing  was 
got  in  the  other  provinces,  was  XI, 500  ;  while 
the  expenditure  had  amounted  to  £12,000  !  The 
working  of  the  Customs  Act  had  been  far  worse. 

O 

According  to  his  statement,  the  unfortunate  East 
India  Company,  in  January,  1773,  had  at  least 
£2,000,000,  some  said  £4,000,000,  worth  of  goods 
which  had  accumulated  in  their  warehouses  since 
the  enactment,  of  which  the  chief  part  would,  in  the 
natural  condition  of  business,  have  been  absorbed 
by  the  colonies.  The  consequence  was  that  the 
company's  shares  had  fallen  enormously  in  price, 
that  it  was  hard  pressed  to  make  its  payments,  that 
its  credit  was  so  seriously  impaired  that  the  Bank 
of  England  would  not  help  it,  and  that  its  dividends 
had  been  reduced  below  the  point  at  and  above 
which  it  was  obliged  to  pay,  and  heretofore  regu 
larly  had  paid,  .£400,000  annually  to  the  govern- 

1  See  also  letter  to  Marshall,  April  22,  1771,  Works,  x.  315. 


174  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

ment.  Many  investors  were  painfully  straitened, 
and  not  a  few  bankruptcies  ensued.  Besides  the 
loss  of  this  annual  stipend  the  treasury  was  further 
the  sufferer  by  the  great  expense  which  had  been 
incurred  in  endeavoring  to  guard  the  American 
coast  against  smugglers ;  with  the  added  vexation 
that  these  costly  attempts  had,  after  all,  been  fruit 
less.  Fifteen  hundred  miles  of  shore  line,  occu 
pied  by  people  unanimously  hostile  to  the  king's 
revenue  officers,  presented  a  task  much  beyond  the 
capabilities  of  the  vessels  which  England  could 
send  thither.  So  the  Dutch,  the  Danes,  the  Swedes, 
and  the  French  soon  established  a  thriving  contra 
band  trade  ;  the  American  housewives  were  hardly 
interrupted  in  dispensing  the  favorite  beverage  ;  the 
English  merchant's  heavy  loss  became  the  foreign 
smuggler's  aggravating  gain  ;  and  the  costly  sacri 
fice  of  the  East  India  Company  fell  short  of  effect 
ing  the  punishment  of  the  wicked  Americans. 
Franklin  could  not  "  help  smiling  at  these  blun 
ders."  Englishmen  would  soon  resent  them,  he 
said,  would  turn  out  the  ministry  that  was  respons 
ible  for  them,  and  put  in  a  very  different  set  of 
men,  who  would  undo  the  mischief.  "  If  we  con 
tinue  firm  and  united,  and  resolutely  persist  in  the 
non-consumption  agreement,  this  adverse  ministry 
cannot  possibly  stand  another  year.  And  surely 
the  great  body  of  our  people,  the  farmers  and  arti 
ficers,  will  not  find  it  hard  to  keep  an  agreement  by 
which  they  both  save  and  gain."  Thus  he  contin 
ued  to  write  so  late  as  February,  1775,  believing 
to  the  last  in  the  efficacy  of  this  policy. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

SECOND    MISSION    TO   ENGLAND,   III. 

THE   HUTCHINSON   LETTERS  :    THE   PRIVY    COUNCIL 

SCENE  :    RETURN   HOME. 

THE  famous  episode  of  the  Hutchinson  letters, 
occurring  near  the  close  of  Franklin's  stay  in  Eng 
land,  must  be  narrated  with  a  brevity  more  in  ac 
cord  with  its  real  historical  value  than  with  its  in 
terest  as  a  dramatic  story.  In  conversation  one 
day  with  an  English  gentleman,  Franklin  spoke 
with  resentment  of  the  sending  troops  to  Boston 
and  the  other  severe  measures  of  the  government. 
The  other  in  reply  engaged  to  convince  him  that 
these  steps  were  taken  upon  the  suggestion  and  ad 
vice  of  Americans.  A  few  days  later  he  made  good 
his  promise  by  producing  certain  letters,  signed  by 
Hutchinson,  Oliver,  and  others,  all  natives  of,  and 
residents  and  office-holders  in,  America.  The  ad 
dresses  had  been  cut  from  the  letters  ;  but  in  other 
respects  they  were  unmutilated,  and  they  were  the 
original  documents.  They  contained  just  such  mat 
ter  as  the  gentleman  had  described,  —  opinions  and 
advice  which  would  have  commended  themselves 
highly  to  a  royalist,  but  which  could  have  seemed 
to  a  patriot  in  the  provinces  only  the  most  danger 


176  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

ous  and  abominable  treason.  Induced  by  obvious 
motives,  Franklin  begged  leave  to  send  these  let 
ters  to  Massachusetts,  and  finally  obtained  permis 
sion  to  do  so,  subject  to  the  stipulation  that  they 
should  not  be  printed  nor  copied,  and  should  be 
circulated  only  among  a  few  leading  men.  His 
purpose,  he  said,  lay  in  his  belief  that  when  the 
u  principal  people  "  in  Boston  "  saw  the  measures 
they  complained  of  took  their  rise  in  a  great  de 
gree  from  the  representations  and  recommendations 
of  their  own  countrymen,  their  resentment  against 
Britain  might  abate,  as  mine  has  done,  and  a  recon 
ciliation  be  more  easily  obtained."  1  Franklin  ac 
cordingly  sent  over  the  letters,  together  with  strict 
injunctions  in  pursuance  of  his  engagement  to  the 
giver  of  them  :  "  In  confidence  of  your  following 
inviolably  my  engagement,"  etc.,  he  wrote.  But 
this  solemn  instruction  was  not  complied  with ;  the 
temptation  was  too  great  for  the  honor  of  some 
among  the  patriots,  who  resolved  that  the  letters 

1  The  importance  of  establishing1  the  fact  that  the  government's 
course  was  instigated  by  Hutchinson  is  liable  at  the  present  day 
to  be  underrated.  For  his  name  has  fallen  into  such  extreme  dis 
repute  in  America  that  to  have  been  guided  by  his  advice  seems 
only  an  additional  offense.  But  such  was  not  the  case ;  Hutchin 
son  came  of  old  and  prominent  Massachusetts  stock ;  he  was  a 
descendant  of  Anne  Hutchinson,  of  polemic  fame,  and  when  ap 
pointed  to  office  he  appeared  a  man  of  good  standing1  and  ability. 
The  English  government  had  a  perfect  right  to  rely  upon  the 
soundness  of  his  statements  and  opinions.  Thus  it  was  really  of 
great  moment  for  Franklin  to  be  able  to  convince  the  people  of 
Massachusetts  that  the  English  measures  were  in  strict  conformity 
with  Hutchinson's  suggestions.  It  was  an  excuse  for  the  English, 
as  it  also  was  the  condemnation  of  Hutchinson,  in  colonial  opinion. 


THE  HUTCHINSON  LETTERS.        177 

should  be  made  public  despite  any  pledge  to  the 
contrary,  and  resorted  to  a  shallow  artifice  for 
achieving  their  end.  A  story  was  started  that  au 
thenticated  copies  of  the  same  papers  had  been  re 
ceived  from  England  by  somebody.  There  was  a 
prudent  abstention  from  any  inquiry  into  the  truth 
of  this  statement.  "  I  know,"  said  Franklin,  "  that 
could  not  be.  It  was  an  expedient  to  disengage 
the  House."  Dishonest  as  it  obviously  was,  it  was 
successful ;  members  accepted  it  as  a  removal  of 
the  seal  of  secrecy ;  and  the  documents  having  thus 
found  their  way  before  the  Assembly  were  ordered 
to  be  printed.  That  body,  greatly  incensed,  imme 
diately  voted  a  petition  to  the  king  for  the  re 
moval  of  the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor, 
and  sent  it  over  to  Franklin  to  be  presented. 

The  publication  of  these  letters  made  no  little 
stir.  The  writers  were  furious,  and  of  course 
brought  vehement  charges  of  bad  faith  and  dishon 
orable  behavior.  But  they  were  at  a  loss  to  know 
upon  whom  to  visit  their  wrath.  For  the  person 
to  whom  they  had  written  the  letters  was  dead,  and 
they  knew  no  one  else  who  had  been  concerned  in 
the  matter.  The  secret  of  the  channel  of  convey 
ance  had  been  rigidly  kept.  No  one  had  the 
slightest  idea  by  whom  the  letters  had  been  trans 
mitted  to  Massachusetts,  nor  by  whom  they  had 
been  received  there.  To  this  day  it  is  not  known 
by  whom  the  letters  were  given  to  Franklin.  July 
25,  1773,  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Gushing,  the  speaker 
of  the  Assembly,  to  whom  he  had  inclosed  the  let- 


178  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

ters  :  "  I  observe  that  you  mention  that  no  person 
besides  Dr.  Cooper  and  one  member  of  the  com 
mittee  knew  they  came  from  me.  I  did  not  accom 
pany  them  with  any  request  of  being  myself  con 
cealed  ;  for,  believing  what  I  did  to  be  in  the  way 
of  my  duty  as  agent,  though  I  had  no  doubt  of 
its  giving  offense,  not  only  to  the  parties  exposed 
but  to  administration  here,  I  was  regardless  of  the 
consequences.  However,  since  the  letters  them 
selves  are  now  copied  and  printed,  contrary  to  the 
promise  I  made,  I  am  glad  my  name  has  not  been 
heard  on  the  occasion  ;  and,  as  I  do  not  see  how  it 
could  be  of  any  use  to  the  public,  I  now  wish  it 
may  continue  unknown ;  though  I  hardly  expect 
it."  Unfortunately  it  soon  became  of  such  use  to 
two  individuals  in  England  that  Franklin  himself 
felt  obliged  to  divulge  it ;  otherwise  it  might  have 
remained  forever  a  mystery. 

Though  the  addresses  had  been  cut  from  the 
letters,  yet  they  had  previously  been  shown  to  many 
persons  in  England,  and  it  soon  became  known 
there  that  they  had  been  written  to  Mr.  William 
Whately,  now  dead,  but  who,  when  the  letters 
were  written,  was  a  member  of  Parliament  and 
private  secretary  to  George  Grenville,  who  was 
then  in  the  cabinet.  Amid  the  active  surmises  as 
to  the  next  link  in  the  chain  suspicion  naturally 
attached  to  Thomas  Whately,  brother  and  executor 
of  the  dead  man,  and  in  possession  of  his  papers. 
This  gentleman  denied  that  he  had  ever,  to  his 
knowledge,  had  these  letters  in  his  hands.  Sus- 


THE  HUTCHINSON  LETTERS.  179 

picion  next  attached  to  Mr.  Temple,  "  our  friend," 
as  Franklin  described  him.  He  had  had  access  to 
the  letters  of  William  Whately  for  the  purpose  of 
getting  from  among  them  certain  letters  written 
by  himself  and  his  brother ;  he  had  lived  in  Amer 
ica,  had  been  governor  of  New  Hampshire,  and 
later  in  letters  to  his  friends  there  had  announced 
the  coming  of  the  letters  before  they  had  actually 
arrived.  The  expression  of  suspicion  towards 
Temple  found  its  way  into  a  newspaper,  bolstered 
with  an  intimation  that  the  information  came  from 
Thomas  Whately.  Temple  at  once  made  a  demand 
upon  Whately  to  exculpate  him.  This  of  course 
Whately  could  not  do,  since  he  had  not  inspected 
the  letters  taken  by  Temple,  and  so  could  not  say 
of  his  knowledge  that  these  were  not  among  them. 
But  instead  of  taking  this  perfectly  safe  ground, 
he  published  a  card  stating  that  Temple  had  had 
access  to  the  letters  of  the  deceased  for  a  special 
purpose,  and  that  Temple  had  solemnly  averred  to 
him,  Whately,  that  he  had  neither  removed  nor 
copied  any  letters  save  those  written  by  himself 
and  his  brother.  This  exoneration  was  far  from 
satisfying  Temple,  who  conceived  that  it  rather 
injured  than  improved  his  position.  Accordingly 
he  challenged  Whately  and  the  two  fought  in  Hyde 
Park  ring.  The  story  of  the  duel,  which  was  min 
gled  of  comedy  and  tragedy,  is  vividly  told  by  Mr. 
Parton.  Whately  was  wounded  twice,  and  at  his 
request  the  fight  then  ceased.  Temple  was  accused, 
but  unfairly,  of  having  thrust  at  him  when  he  was 


180  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

down.  But  it  was  no  conventional  duel,  or  result 
of  temporary  hot  blood.  The  contestants  were 
profoundly  angry  with  each  other,  and  were  bent 
on  more  serious  results  than  curable  wounds.  It 
was  understood  that  so  soon  as  Whately  should  be 
well,  the  fight  would  be  renewed.  Thus  matters 
stood  when  Franklin  came  up  to  London  from  a 
visit  in  the  country,  to  be  astonished  by  the  news 
of  what  had  occurred,  and  annoyed  at  the  prospect 
of  what  was  likely  to  occur.  At  once  he  inserted 
this  letter :  — 

To  the  Printer  of  the  "  Public  Advertiser :  " 

SIR,  —  Finding  that  two  gentlemen  have  been  unfor 
tunately  engaged  in  a  duel  about  a  transaction  and  its 
circumstances  of  which  both  of  them  are  totally  ignorant 
and  innocent,  I  think  it  incumbent  upon  me  to  declare 
(for  the  prevention  of  further  mischief,  as  far  as  such  a 
declaration  may  contribute  to  prevent  it)  that  I  alone 
am  the  person  who  obtained  and  transmitted  to  Boston 
the  letters  in  question.  Mr.  Whately  could  not  commu 
nicate  them,  because  they  were  never  in  his  possession ; 
and  for  the  same  reason  they  could  not  be  taken  from 
him  by  Mr.  Temple.  They  were  not  of  the  nature  of 
private  letters  between  friends.  They  were  written  by 
public  officers  to  persons  in  public  stations  on  public 
affairs,  and  intended  to  procure  public  measures ;  they 
were  therefore  handed  to  other  public  persons,  who  might 
be  influenced  by  them  to  produce  those  measures.  Their 
tendency  was  to  incense  the  mother  country  against  her 
colonies,  and,  by  the  steps  recommended,  to  widen  the 
breach  which  they  effected.  The  chief  caution  expressed 
with  regard  to  privacy  was,  to  keep  their  contents  from 


THE  HUTCHINSON  LETTERS.  181 

the  colony  agents,  who,  the  writers  apprehended,  might 
return  tnem,  or  copies  of  them,  to  America.  That  ap 
prehension  was,  it  seems,  well  founded,  for  the  first  agent 
who  laid  his  hands  on  them  thought  it  his  duty  to  trans 
mit  them  to  his  constituents. 

B.   FRANKLIN, 
Agent  for  the  House  of  Representatives  of 

Massachusetts  Bay. 
CRAVEN  STREET,  December  25,  1773. 

The  petition,  forwarded  by  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  after  they  had 
read  the  famous  letters,  recited  that  the  petitioners 
had  "  very  lately  had  before  them  certain  papers" 
and  it  was  upon  the  strength  of  the  contents  of 
these  papers  that  they  humbly  prayed  that  his 
majesty  would  be  "  pleased  to  remove  from  their 
posts  in  this  government"  Governor  Hutchinson 
and  Lieutenant  -  Governor  Oliver.  Immediately 
upon  receipt  of  this  petition  Franklin  transmitted 
it  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  with  a  very  civil  and  con 
ciliatory  note,  to  which  Lord  Dartmouth  replied  in 
the  same  spirit.  This  took  place  in  August,  1773  ; 
the  duel  followed  in  December,  and  in  the  interval 
Franklin  had  heard  nothing  from  the  petition, 
But  when  his  foregoing  letter  was  published  and 
conned  over  it  seemed  that  the  auspicious  moment 
for  the  ministry  was  now  at  hand,  and  that  it  had 
actually  been  furnished  to  them  by  the  astute 
Franklin  himself.  There  is  no  question  that  he 
had  acted  according  to  his  conscience,  and  it  seems 
now  to  be  generally  agreed  that  his  conscience  did 


182  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

not  mislead  him.  But  he  had  been  placed  in  a 
difficult  position,  and  it  was  easily  possible  to  give 
a  very  bad  coloring  to  his  conduct.  There  was  in 
this  business  an  opportunity  to  bring  into  discredit 
the  character  of  the  representative  man  of  America, 
the  man  foremost  of  Americans  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world,  the  man  most  formidable  to  the  ministerial 
party  ;  such  an  opportunity  was  not  to  be  lost.1 

Franklin  had  anticipated  that  the  "  king  would 
have  considered  this  petition,  as  he  had  done  the 
preceding  one,  in  his  cabinet,  and  have  given  an 
answer  without  a  hearing."  But  on  the  afternoon 
of  Saturday,  January  8,  1774,  he  was  surprised  to 
receive  notice  of  a  hearing  upon  the  petition  before 

1  It  must  be  confessed  that  the  question  whether  Franklin 
should  have  sent  these  letters  to  be  seen  by  the  leading  men  of 
Massachusetts  involves  points  of  some  delicacy.  The  very  elab 
orateness  and  vehemence  of  the  exculpations  put  forth  by  Amer 
ican  writers  indicate  a  lurking  feeling  that  the  opposite  side  is  at 
least  plausible.  I  add  my  opinion  decidedly  upon  Franklin's  side, 
though  I  certainly  see  force  in  the  contrary  view.  Yet  before  one 
feels  fully  satisfied  he  would  wish  to  know  from  whom  these  let 
ters  came  to  Franklin's  hands,  the  information  then  given  him 
concerning  them,  and  the  authority  which  the  giver  might  be 
supposed  to  have  over  them,  in  a  word  all  the  attendant  and  qual 
ifying  circumstances  and  conversation  upon  which  presumptions 
might  have  been  properly  founded  by  Franklin.  Upon  these 
essential  matters  there  is  absolutely  no  evidence.  Franklin  was 
bound  to  secrecy  concerning  them,  at  whatever  cost  to  himself. 
But  it  is  evident  that  Franklin  never  for  an  instant  entertained 
the  slightest  doubt  of  the  entire  propriety  of  his  action,  and  even 
in  his  own  cause  he  was  wont  to  be  a  fair-minded  judge.  One 
gets  a  glimpse  of  the  other  side  in  the  Diary  and  Letters  of  his 
Excellency  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Esq.,  etc.,  by  Thomas  Orlando 
Hutchinson,  pp.  5,  82-93.  192,  356. 


THE  HUTCUINSON  LETTERS.  183 

the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Plantation  Affairs, 
at  the  Cockpit,  on  the  Tuesday  following,  at  noon. 
Late  in  the  afternoon  of  Monday  he  got  notice 
that  Mr.  Mauduit,  agent  for  Hutchinson  and  Oliver, 
would  be  represented  at  the  hearing  on  the  follow 
ing  morning  by  counsel.  A  less  sagacious  man 
than  Franklin  would  have  scented  trouble  in  the 
air.  He  tried  to  find  Arthur  Lee ;  but  Lee  was  in 
Bath.  He  then  sought  advice  from  Mr.  Bollan,  a 
barrister,  agent  for  the  Council  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  and  who  also  had  been  summoned.  There 
was  no  time  to  instruct  counsel,  and  Mr.  Bollan 
advised  to  employ  none;  he  had  found  "lawyers 
of  little  service  in  colony  cases."  "  Those  who  are 
eminent  and  hope  to  rise  in  their  profession  are 
unwilling  to  offend  the  court,  whose  disposition  on 
this  occasion  was  well  known."  The  next  day  at 
the  hearing  Mr.  Bollan  endeavored  to  speak;  but, 
though  he  had  been  summoned,  he  was  summarily 
silenced,  on  the  ground  that  the  colonial  Council, 
whose  agent  he  was,  was  not  a  party  to  the  petition. 
Franklin  then  laid  the  petition  and  authenticated 
copies  of  the  letters  before  the  committee.  Some 
objections  to  the  receipt  of  copies  instead  of  orig 
inals  were  raised  by  Mr.  Wedderburn,  solicitor- 
general  and  counsel  for  Hutchinson  and  Oliver. 
Franklin  then  spoke  with  admirable  keenness  and 
skill.  He  said  that  he  had  not  conceived  the  mat 
ter  to  call  for  discussion  by  lawyers  ;  but  that  it 
was  a  "  question  of  civil  or  political  prudence, 
whether,  on  the  state  of  the  fact  that  the  governors 


184  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

had  lost  all  trust  and  confidence  with  the  people, 
and  become  universally  obnoxious,  it  would  be  for 
the  interest  of  his  majesty's  service  to  continue 
them  in  those  stations  in  that  Province."  Of  this 
he  conceived  their  lordships  to  be  "  perfect  judges," 
not  requiring  "  assistance  from  the  arguments  of 
counsel."  Yet  if  counsel  was  to  be  heard  he  asked  i 
an  adjournment  to  enable  him  to  engage  and  in- ' 
struct  lawyers.  Time  was  accordingly  granted, 
until  January  29.  Wedderburn  waived  his  ob 
jection  to  the  copies,  but  both  he  and  Lord  Chief 
Justice  De  Grey  intimated  that  inquiry  would  be 
made  as  to  "  how  the  Assembly  came  into  possession 
of  them,  through  whose  hands  and  by  what  means 
they  were  procured,  .  .  .  and  to  whom  they  were 
directed."  This  was  all  irrelevant  to  the  real  issue, 
which  had  been  sharply  defined  by  Franklin.  The 
lord  president,  near  whom  Franklin  stood,  asked 
him  whether  he  intended  to  answer  such  questions. 
"  In  that  I  shall  take  counsel,"  replied  Franklin. 

The  interval  which  elapsed  before  the  day  nom 
inated  could  not  have  been  very  lightsome  for  the 
unfortunate  agent  for  the  Massachusetts  Bay.  Not 
only  had  he  the  task  of  selecting  and  instructing 
competent  counsel,  but  even  his  self-possessed  and 
composed  nature  must  have  been  severely  harassed 
by  the  rumors  of  which  the  air  was  full.  He  heard 
from  all  quarters  that  the  ministry  and  courtiers 
were  highly  enraged  against  him ;  he  was  called  an 
incendiary,  and  the  newspapers  teemed  with  invec 
tives  against  him.  He  heard  that  he  was  to  be  ap- 


THE  HUTCHINSON  LETTERS.       185 

prehended  and  sent  to  Newgate,  and  that  his  papers 
were  to  be  seized ;  that  after  he  had  been  sufficiently 
blackened  by  the  hearing  he  would  be  deprived  of 
his  place ;  with  disheartening  news  also  that  the 
disposition  of  the  petition  had  already  been  deter 
mined.1  At  the  same  time  a  subpoena  was  served 
upon  him  at  the  private  suit  of  Whately,  who  was 
under  personal  obligations  to  him,  but  was  also  a 
banker  to  the  government.  Certainly  the  heavens 
threatened  a  cloudburst  with  appalling  thunder 
and  dangerous  lightning. 

Upon  reflection  Franklin  was  disposed  to  do  with 
out  counsel,  but  Mr.  Bollan  now  became  strongly 
of  the  contrary  opinion.  So  Mr.  Dunning  and 
Mr.  John  Lee  were  retained.  The  former  had 
been  solicitor-general,  and  was  a  man  of  mark  and 
ability  in  the  profession.  When  the  hearing  came 
on,  the  Cockpit  presented  such  a  spectacle  that 
Franklin  felt  assured  that  the  whole  affair  had 
been  "preconcerted."  The  hostile  courtiers  had 
been  "  invited,  as  to  an  entertainment,  and  there 
never  was  such  an  appearance  of  privy  councilors 
on  any  occasion,  not  less  than  thirty-five,  besides 
an  immense  crowd  of  other  auditors."  Every  one 
save  the  privy  councilors  had  to  stand  from 
beginning  to  end  of  the  proceedings.  Franklin 
occupied  a  position  beside  the  fireplace,  where  he 
stood  throughout  immovable  as  a  statue,  his  feat 
ures  carefully  composed  so  that  not  one  trace  of 
emotion  was  apparent  upon  them,  showing  a  degree 
i  Franklin's  Works,  v.  297,  298. 


186  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

of  self-control  which  was  extraordinary  even  in  one 
who  was  at  once  a  man  of  the  world  and  a  philoso 
pher,  with  sixty-eight  years  of  experience  in  life. 
Mr.  Dunning,  with  his  voice  unfortunately  weak 
ened  by  a  cold,  was  not  always  audible  and  made 
little  impression.  Mr.  Lee  was  uselessly  feeble. 
Wedderburn,  thus  inefficiently  opposed,  and  con 
scious  of  the  full  sympathy  of  the  tribunal,  poured 
forth  a  vile  flood  of  personal  invective.  Through 
out  his  life  he  approved  himself  a  mean-spirited 
and  ignoble  man,  despised  by  those  who  used  and 
rewarded  his  able  and  debased  services.  On  this 
occasion  he  eagerly  took  advantage  of  the  protec 
tion  afforded  by  his  position  and  by  Dr.  Frank 
lin's  age  to  use  language  which,  under  such  circum 
stances,  was  as  cowardly  as  it  was  false.  Nothing, 
he  said,  "  will  acquit  Dr.  Franklin  of  the  charge  of 
obtaining  [the  letters]  by  fraudulent  or  corrupt 
means,  for  the  most  malignant  of  purposes,  unless 
he  stole  them  from  the  person  who  stole  them." 
"  I  hope,  my  lords,  you  will  mark  and  brand  the 
man,  for  the  honor  of  this  country,  of  Europe,  and 
of  mankind."  "  He  has  forfeited  all  the  respect  of 
societies  and  of  men.  Into  what  companies  will  he 
hereafter  go  with  an  unembarrassed  face  or  the 
honest  intrepidity  of  virtue  ?  Men  will  watch  him 
with  a  jealous  eye ;  they  will  hide  their  papers 
from  him,  and  lock  up  their  escritoires.  He  will 
henceforth  esteem  it  a  libel  to  be  called  a  man  of 
letters,  homo  TRIUM  1  literarum."  "  But  he  not 
1  A  play  upon  the  Latin  word,  FUB,  a  thief. 


THE  HUTCHINSON  LETTERS.       187 

only  took  away  the  letters  from  one  brother,  but 
kept  himself  concealed  till  he  nearly  occasioned 
the  murder  of  the  other.  It  is  impossible  to  read 
his  account,  expressive  of  the  coolest  and  most 
deliberate  malice,  without  horror.  Amidst  these 
tragical  events,  —  of  one  person  nearly  murdered, 
of  another  answerable  for  the  issue,  of  a  worthy 
governor  hurt  in  his  dearest  interests,  the  fate  of 
America  in  suspense,  —  here  is  a  man  who,  with 
the  utmost  insensibility  of  remorse,  stands  up  and 
avows  himself  the  author  of  all.  I  can  compare 
it  only  to  Zanga,  in  Dr.  Young's  '  Revenge.' 

'  Know  then  't  was  —  I ; 
I  forged  the  letter,  I  disposed  the  picture  ; 
I  hated,  I  despised,  and  I  destroy.' 

I  ask,  my  lords,  whether  the  revengeful  temper 
attributed,  by  poetic  fiction  only,  to  the  bloody 
African,  is  not  surpassed  by  the  coolness  and  apa 
thy  of  the  wily  American." 

Such  was  the  torrent  of  vilification  which  flowed 
from  the  lips  of  one  of  the  meanest  of  England's 
lawyers,  and  the  speaker  was  constantly  encouraged 
by  applause,  and  by  various  indications  of  gratifica 
tion  on  the  part  of  the  tribunal  before  which  he 
argued.  Dr.  Priestley,  who  was  present,  said  that 
from  the  opening  of  the  proceedings  it  was  evident 
"  that  the  real  object  of  the  court  was  to  insult  Dr. 
Franklin,"  an  object  in  which  their  lordships  were, 
of  course,  able  to  achieve  a  complete  success.  "  No 
person  belonging  to  the  council  behaved  with  de 
cent  gravity,  except  Lord  North,"  who  came  late 


188  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

and  remained  standing  behind  a  chair.  It  was  a 
disgraceful  scene,  but  not  of  long  duration ;  ap 
parently  there  was  little  else  done  save  to  hear  the 
speeches  of  counsel.  The  report  of  the  lords  was 
dated  on  the  same  day,  and  was  a  severe  censure 
upon  the  petition  and  the  petitioners.  More  than 
this,  their  lordships  went  out  of  their  way  to  inflict 
a  wanton  outrage  upon  Franklin.  The  question  of 
who  gave  the  letters  to  him  was  one  which  all  con 
cerned  were  extremely  anxious  to  hear  answered. 
But  it  was  also  a  question  which  he  could  not  law 
fully  be  compelled  to  answer  in  these  proceedings  ; 
it  was  wholly  irrelevant ;  moreover  it  was  involved 
in  the  cause  then  pending  before  the  lord  chancellor 
in  which  Franklin  was  respondent.  Accordingly, 
by  advice  of  counsel,  advice  unquestionably  correct, 
he  refused  to  divulge  what  their  lordships  were  so 
curious  to  hear.  Enraged,  they  said  in  their  re 
port  that  his  "  silence  "  was  abundant  support  for 
the  conclusion  that  the  "  charge  of  surreptitiously 
obtaining  the  letters  was  a  true  one,"  although  they 
knew  that  in  law  and  in  fact  his  silence  was  wholly 
justifiable. 

Resolutely  as  Franklin  sought  at  the  time  to  re 
press  any  expression  of  his  natural  indignation, 
there  is  evidence  enough  of  how  deeply  he  felt  this 
indignity.  For  example,  there  is  the  familiar  story 
of  his  dress.  He  wore,  at  the  Cockpit,  "  a  full 
dress  suit  of  spotted  Manchester  velvet."  Many 
years  afterward,  when  it  befell  him,  as  one  of  the 
ambassadors  of  his  country,  to  sign  the  treaty  of 


THE  HUTCHINSON  LETTERS.  189 

alliance  with  France,  the  first  treaty  ever  made  by 
the  United  States  of  America,  and  which  practi 
cally  insured  the  defeat  of  Great  Britain  in  the 
pending  war,  it  was  observed  by  Dr.  Bancroft  that 
he  was  attired  in  this  same  suit.  The  signing  was 
to  have  taken  place  on  February  5,  but  was  un 
expectedly  postponed  to  the  next  day,  when  again 
Franklin  appeared  in  the  same  old  suit  and  set  his 
hand  to  the  treaty.  Dr.  Bancroft  says  :  "  I  once 
intimated  to  Dr.  Franklin  the  suspicion  which  his 
wearing  these  clothes  on  that  occasion  had  excited 
in  my  mind,  when  he  smiled,  without  telling  me 
whether  it  was  well  or  ill  founded."  Having  done 
this  service,  the  suit  was  again  laid  away  until  it 
was  brought  forth  to  be  worn  at  Paris  at  tfte  sign 
ing  of  the  treaty  of  peace  with  England,  a  circum 
stance  the  more  noteworthy  since  at  that  time  the 
French  court  was  in  mourning.1 

It  appears  that  Franklin  for  a  time  entertained 
a  purpose  of  drawing  up  an  "  answer  to  the  abuses  " 
cast  at  him  upon  this  occasion.  There  was,  how 
ever,  no  need  for  doing  so,  and  his  reason  for 
not  doing  it  is  more  eloquent  on  his  behalf  with 
posterity  than  any  pamphlet  could  be.  He  said  : 
"It  was  partly  written,  but  the  affairs  of  public 
importance  I  have  been  ever  since  engaged  in  pre 
vented  my  finishing  it.  The  injuries  too  that  my 
country  has  suffered  have  absorbed  private  resent 
ments,  and  made  it  appear  trifling  for  an  individual 
to  trouble  the  world  with  his  particular  justifica/- 

1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  ii.  508. 


190  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

tion,  when  all  his  compatriots  were  stigmatized  by 
the  king  and  Parliament  as  being  in  every  respect 
the  worst  of  mankind." 

The  proceedings  at  the  Cockpit  took  place  on  a 
Saturday.  On  the  following  Monday  morning 
Franklin  got  a  "  written  notice  from  the  secretary 
of  the  general  post-office,  that  his  majesty's  post 
master-general  found  it  7iecessary  to  dismiss  me 
from  my  office  of  deputy  postmaster-general  in 
North  America."  In  other  ways  too  the  mischief 
done  him  by  this  public  assault  could  not  be  con 
cealed.  It  published  to  all  the  world  the  feeling 
of  the  court  and  the  ministry  toward  him,  and  told 
Englishmen  that  it  was  no  longer  worth  while  to 
keep  up  appearances  of  courtesy  and  good  will.  It 
put  upon  him  a  judicial  stigma,  which  was  ample 
excuse  for  the  enemies  of  America  henceforth  to 
treat  him  as  both  dishonored  and  dishonorable. 
Hitherto  his  tact  and  his  high  character  had  pre 
served  him  in  a  great  measure  from  the  social  an 
noyances  and  curtailments  which  he  would  naturally 
have  suffered  as  the  prominent  representative  of 
an  unpopular  cause.  But  it  seemed  now  as  if  his 
judgment  had  once  and  fatally  played  him  false, 
and  certainly  his  good  name  and  his  prestige  were 
given  over  to  his  enemies,  who  dealt  cruelly  with 
them.  He  felt  that  it  was  the  end  of  his  useful 
ness,  also  that  his  own  self-respect  and  dignity 
must  be  carefully  preserved  ;  and  he  wrote  to  the 
Assembly  of  Massachusetts  to  say  that  it  would  be 
impossible  for  him  longer  to  act  as  its  agent.  From 


THE  HUTCHINSON  LETTERS.  191 

that  time  he  never  attended  the  levee  of  a  minister. 
The  portcullis  had  dropped ;  the  days  of  his  service 
in  England  were  over. 

The  conclusion  had  come  painfully,  yet  it  was 
not  without  satisfaction  that  he  saw  himself  free 
to  return  home.  His  affairs  had  suffered  in  his 
absence,  and  needed  his  attention  now  more  than 
ever,  since  he  was  deprived  of  his  income  from  the 
post-office.  Moreover  his  efforts  could  no  longer  be 
cheered  with  hopes  of  success  or  even  of  achieving 
any  substantial  advantage  for  his  countrymen.  He 
was  obliged  to  admit  that  the  good  disposition  of 
Lord  Dartmouth  had  had  no  practical  results. 
"  No  single  measure  of  his  predecessor  has  since 
been  even  attempted  to  be  changed,  and,  on  the 
contrary,  new  ones  have  been  continually  added, 
further  to  exasperate  these  people,  render  them  des 
perate,  and  drive  them,  if  possible,  into  open  rebel 
lion."  It  had  been  a  vexatious  circumstance,  too, 
that  not  long  before  this  time  he  had  received  a 
rebuke  from  the  Massachusetts  Assembly  for  hav 
ing  been  lax,  as  they  fancied,  in  notifying  them  of 
some  legislation  of  an  injurious  character,  which 
was  in  preparation.  "  This  censure,"  he  said, 
"  though  grievous,  does  not  so  much  surprise  me, 
as  I  apprehended  all  along  from  the  beginning 
that  between  the  friends  of  an  old  agent,  my  pre 
decessor,  who  thought  himself  hardly  used  in  his 
dismission,  and  those  of  a  young  man  impatient  for 
the  succession,  my  situation  was  not  likely  to  be 
a  very  comfortable  one,  as  my  faults  could  scarce 


192  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

pass  unobserved."  This  reference  to  the  malicious 
and  untrustworthy  backbiter,  Arthur  Lee,  might 
have  been  much  more  severe,  and  still  amply  de 
served.  The  most  important  acts  of  his  ignoble 
life,  by  which  alone  his  memory  is  preserved,  were 
the  slanders  which  he  set  in  circulation  concerning 
Franklin.  Yet  Franklin,  little  suspicious  and  very 
magnanimous,  praised  him  as  a  "  gentleman  of 
parts  and  ability,"  likely  to  serve  the  Province  with 
zeal  and  activity.  Probably  from  this  impure  Lee 
fount,  but  possibly  from  some  other  source,  there  now 
came  a  renewal  of  the  rumors  that  Franklin  was  to 
be  gained  over  to  the  ministerial  side  by  promotion 
to  some  office  superior  to  that  which  he  had  held. 
The  injurious  story  was  told  in  Boston,  where  per 
haps  a  few  persons  believed  it  to  be  true  of  a  man 
who  in  fact  could  hardly  have  set  upon  his  fealty  a 
price  so  high  that  the  British  government  would 
not  gladly  have  paid  it,  and  who  heretofore  had 
been,  and  at  this  very  time  again  was,  tempted  by 
repeated  solicitations  and  the  intimations  of  grand 
rewards,  only  to  change  his  mind  —  a  matter  so 
very  easy  in  politics. 

Furthermore,  beyond  these  assaults  upon  his 
fidelity,  these  insults  of  the  privy  council,  Frank 
lin  had  to  contemplate  the  possibility  of  personal 
danger.  He  was  a  man  of  abundant  courage,  but 
courage  does  not  make  a  prison  or  a  gallows  an 
agreeable  object  in  one's  horizon.  The  newspapers 
alleged  that  in  his  correspondence  "  treason " 
had  been  discovered.  The  ministry,  as  he  was 


THE  HUT  CHINS  ON  LETTERS.  193 

directly  informed,  thought  no  better  of  him  than 
did  the  editors,  regarding  him  as  "the  great  fo- 
menter  of  the  opposition  in  America,"  the  "  great 
adversary  to  any  accommodation."  "  It  is  given 
out,"  he  wrote,  "  that  copies  of  several  letters  of 
mine  to  you  are  sent  over  here  to  the  ministers, 
and  that  their  contents  are  treasonable,  for  which 
I  should  be  prosecuted  if  copies  could  be  made  evi 
dence."  He  was  not  conscious  of  any  treasonable 
intention,  but  treason  was  a  word  to  make  a  man 
anxious  in  those  days,  when  uttered  by  the  minis 
try  and  echoed  by  the  court.  Franklin  was  quite 
aware  that,  though  ministers  might  offer  him  a 
tempting  place  by  way  of  bribe,  they  would  far 
rather  give  him  "  a  place  in  a  cart  to  Tyburn." 
His  friends  warned  him  that  his  situation  was 
hazardous  ;  that,  "  if  by  some  accident  the  troops 
and  the  people  of  New  England  should  come  to 
blows,"  he  would  doubtless  be  seized  ;  and  they 
advised  him  to  withdraw  while  yet  he  could  do  so. 
Hutchinson  frankly  avowed  that,  if  his  advice  were 
taken,  the  withdrawal  would  not  be  permitted. 
"  But,"  said  Franklin,  "  I  venture  to  stay,"  upon 
the  chance  of  still  being  of  use,  "  and  I  confide  on 
my  innocence  that  the  worst  which  can  happen  to 
me  will  be  an  imprisonment  upon  suspicion  ;  though 
that  is  a  thing  I  should  much  desire  to  avoid,  as  it 
may  be  expensive  and  vexatious,  as  well  as  danger 
ous  to  my  health."  So  spoke  this  imperturbable 
man,  and  calmly  stayed  at  his  post. 

He  was  still  consulted  by  both  sides  in  England 


194  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

In  the  August  following  the  scene  in  the  privy 
council  chamber,  he  called  upon  Lord  Chatham 
and  had  a  long  and  interesting  interview.  He 
then  said  that  he  attributed  the  late  "  wrong  poli 
tics  "  to  the  departure  from  the  old  and  true  Brit 
ish  principle,  "  whereby  every  Province  was  well 
governed,  being  trusted  in  a  great  measure  with 
the  government  of  itself."  When  it  was  sought 
to  take  this  privilege  from  the  colonies,  grave 
blunders  had  inevitably  ensued ;  because,  as  he 
admirably  expressed  it,  Parliament  insisted  upon 
being  omnipotent  when  it  was  not  omniscient.  In 
other  words,  the  affairs  of  the  unrepresented  colo 
nies  were  mismanaged  through  sheer  ignorance. 
It  is  noteworthy  that  England  has  since  recognized 
the  necessity  of  precisely  the  principle  indicated  by 
Franklin  for  colonial  government ;  all  her  great 
colonies  are  now  "  trusted  in  a  great  measure  with 
the  government "  of  themselves,  and  are  conse 
quently  "  well  governed."  Franklin  further  as 
sured  his  lordship  that  in  all  his  travels  in  the 
provinces  he  had  never  once  heard  independence 
hinted  at  as  a  desirable  thing.  This  gave  Chat 
ham  much  pleasure  ;  but  perhaps  neither  of  them 
at  the  moment  reflected  how  many  eventful  years 
had  elapsed  since  Franklin  was  last  journeying  in 
America.  He  further  declared  that  the  colonists 
were  "  even  not  against  regulations  of  the  general 
commerce  by  Parliament,  provided  such  regulations 
were  bona  fide  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  empire,, 
not  to  the  small  advantage  of  one  part  to  the  great 


THE  HUTCHINSON  LETTERS.        195 

injury  of  another."  This,  by  the  way,  was  a  good 
point,  which  he  found  very  serviceable  when  peo 
ple  talked  to  him  about  the  unity  of  the  empire. 
A  genuine  unity  was  just  the  gospel  which  he  liked 
to  preach.  "  An  equal  dispensation,"  he  said,  "  of 
protection,  rights,  privileges,  and  advantages  is 
what  every  part  is  entitled  to,  and  ought  to  enjoy, 
it  being  a  matter  of  no  moment  to  the  state  whether 
a  subject  grows  rich  and  flourishing  on  the  Thames 
or  the  Ohio,  in  Edinburgh  or  Dublin."  But  no 
living  Englishman  could  accept  this  broad  and 
liberal  doctrine.  The  notion  that  the  colonies  were 
a  dependency  and  should  be  tributary  to  the  greater 
power  was  universal.  It  was  admitted  that  they 
should  not  be  oppressed  ;  but  it  was  believed  that 
between  oppression  and  that  perfect  unity  which 
involved  entire  equality  there  was  certainly  a  mid 
dle  ground  whereon  the  colonies  might  properly  be 
established. 

Lord  Chatham  expressed  in  courteous  compli 
ments  the  gratification  which  this  visit  afforded 
him.  Not  long  afterward  he  came  gallantly  to  the 
defense  of  Franklin  in  the  House  of  Lords.  It  was 
one  day  in  February,  1775  ;  Franklin  was  stand 
ing  in  full  view,  leaning  on  a  rail ;  Lord  Sandwich 
was  speaking  against  a  measure  of  conciliation  or 
agreement  just  introduced  by  Chatham.  He  said 
that  it  deserved  "  only  contempt,"  and  "  ought  to 
be  immediately  rejected.  I  can  never  believe  it 
to  be  the  production  of  any  British  peer.  It  ap 
pears  to  me  rather  the  work  of  some  American. 


196  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

I  fancy  I  have  in  my  eye  the  person  who  drew  it 
up,  one  of  the  bitterest  and  most  mischievous  ene 
mies  this  country  has  ever  known."  Speaking 
thus,  he  looked  full  at  Franklin,  and  drew  upon 
him  the  general  attention.  But  Chatham  hastened 
to  defend  the  defenseless  one.  "  The  plan  is  en 
tirely  my  own,"  he  said ;  "  but  if  I  were  the  first 
minister,  and  had  the  care  of  settling  this  momen 
tous  business,  I  should  not  be  ashamed  of  calling 
to  my  assistance  a  person  so  perfectly  acquainted 
with  the  whole  of  American  affairs,  one  whom  all 
Europe  ranks  with  our  Boyles  and  Newtons,  as  an 
honor  not  to  the  English  nation  only  but  to  human 
nature."  This  was  spirited  and  friendly ;  Frank 
lin  had  a  way  of  making  warm  and  loyal  friends. 
Most  men  would  have  rejoiced  to  be  so  abused  by 
Sandwich  in  order  to  be  so  complimented  by  Chat 
ham.1 

Yet  in  spite  of  the  high  esteem  in  which  so  many 
Englishmen  still  held  Franklin  an  incident  occurred 
at  this  time  which  showed  very  plainly  that  the 
term  of  his  full  usefulness  was  indeed  over,  though 
not  altogether  for  the  reasons  which  had  led  him  to 
think  so.  The  fact  was  that  the  proverbial  last 
feather  which  breaks  the  back  had  been  laid  upon 
him.  His  endurance  had  been  overtaxed,  and  he 
was  at  last  in  that  temper  and  frame  of  mind  in 
which  the  wisest  men  are  liable  to  make  grave  mis 
takes.  He  was  one  day  present  at  a  debate  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  found  himself,  as  he  says, 
1  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  8.,  v.  220. 


THE  HUT  CHIN  SON  LETTERS.  197 

"  much  disgusted,  from  the  ministerial  side,  by 
many  base  reflections  on  American  courage,  reli 
gion,  understanding,  etc.,  in  which  we  were  treated 
with  the  utmost  contempt,  as  the  lowest  of  man 
kind,  and  almost  of  a  different  species  from  the 
English  of  Britain  ;  but  particularly  the  American 
honesty  was  abused  by  some  of  the  lords,  who  as 
serted  that  we  were  all  knaves,  etc."  Franklin  went 
home  "  somewhat  irritated  and  heated,"  and  before 
he  had  cooled  he  wrote  a  paper  which  he  hastened 
to  show  to  his  friend  Mr.  Thomas  Walpole,  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Commons.  Mr.  Walpole 
"  looked  at  it  and  at  me  several  times  alternately, 
as  if  he  apprehended  me  a  little  out  of  my  senses." 
Nor  would  Mr.  Walpole  have  been  altogether  with 
out  reason,  if  in  fact  he  entertained  such  a  suspi 
cion.  The  paper  was  the  memorial  of  Benjamin 
Franklin  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  secretary  of 
state.  In  its  first  clause  it  demanded  "  repara 
tion  "  for  the  injury  done  by  the  blockade  of  the 
port  of  Boston.  Conventional  forms  of  speech 
were  observed,  yet  there  was  an  atmosphere  almost 
of  injurious  insolence,  entirely  foreign  to  all  other 
productions  of  Franklin's  brain  and  pen.  Its  se 
cond  paragraph  recited  that  the  conquests  made  in 
the  northeast  from  France,  which  included  all 
those  extensive  fisheries  which  still  survive  as  a 
bone  of  contention  between  the  two  countries,,  had 
been  jointly  won  by  England  and  the  American 
colonies,  at  their  common  cost,  and  by  an  army  in 
which  the  provincial  troops  were  nearly  equal  in 


198  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

numbers  to  the  British.  "It  follows,"  the  auda 
cious  memorialist  said,  "  that  the  colonies  have  an 
equitable  and  just  right  to  participate  in  the  advan 
tage  of  those  fisheries,"  and  the  present  English 
attempt  to  deprive  the  Massachusetts  people  of 
sharing  in  them  was  "  an  act  highly  unjust  and  in 
jurious."  He  concluded  :•"  I  give  notice  that  satis 
faction  will  probably  one  day  be  demanded  for  all 
the  injury  that  may  be  done  and  suffered  in  the 
execution  of  such  act ;  and  that  the  injustice  of  the 
proceeding  is  likely  to  give  such  umbrage  to  all  the 
colonies  that  in  no  future  war,  wherein  other  con 
quests  may  be  meditated,  either  a  man  or  a  shilling 
will  be  obtained  from  any  of  them  to  aid  such  con 
quests,  till  full  satisfaction  be  made  as  aforesaid." 
Here  was  indeed  a  fulmination  to  strike  an  Eng 
lishman  breathless  and  dumb  with  amazement.  It 
put  the  colonies  in  the  position  of  a  coequal  or  al 
lied  power,  entitled  to  share  with  Britain  the  spoils 
of  victory ;  even  in  the  position  of  an  independent 
power  which  could  refuse  the  military  allegiance 
of  subjects.  English  judges  would  have  found 
abundant  treason  in  this  insubordinate  document. 
It  may  soothe  common  men  to  see  the  wise,  the  se 
rene,  the  self-contained  Dr.  Franklin,  the  philoso 
pher  and  diplomatist,  for  once  lose  his  head  in  a 
gust  of  uncontrollable  passion.  Walpole,  though 
a  loyal  Englishman,  was  fortunately  his  true  friend, 
and  wrote  him,  with  a  brevity  more  impressive  than 
argument,  that  the  memorial  "  might  be  attended 
with  dangerous  consequences  to  your  person  and 


THE  HUTCHINSON  LETTERS.       199 

contribute  to  exasperate  the  nation."  He  closed 
with  the  significant  sentence :  "  I  heartily  wish 
you  a  prosperous  voyage  and  long  health."  The 
significant  words  remind  one  of  the  woodcock's 
feather  with  which  Wildrake  warned  the  disguised 
monarch  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost  in  ^fleeing  from 
Woodstock.  But  if  the  hint  was  curt,  it  was  no 
less  wise.  There  was  no  doubt  that  it  was  full 
time  for  the  sage  to  be  exchanging  his  farewells, 
when  such  a  point  had  been  reached.  The  next 
day,  as  Franklin  relates,  Walpole  called  and  said 
that  "  it  was  thought  my  having  no  instructions 
directing  me  to  deliver  such  a  protest  would  make 
it  appear  still  more  unjustifiable,  and  be  deemed  a 
national  affront.  I  had  no  desire  to  make  matters 
worse,  and,  being  grown  cooler,  took  the  advice  so 
kindly  given  me." 

The  last  business  which  Franklin  had  to  trans 
act  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  came  in  the  shape  of 
one  of  those  mysterious  and  obscure  bits  of  negotia 
tion  which  are  at  times  undertaken  by  private  per 
sons  who  are  very  "  near "  to  ministers,  and  who 
conduct  their  affairs  with  impressive  secrecy.  Just 
how  much  this  approach  amounted  to  it  is  difficult 
to  say ;  no  less  a  person  than  Lord  Howe  was  con 
cerned  in  it,  and  he  was  undoubtedly  in  direct 
communication  with  Lord  North.  But  whether 
that  potentate  really  anticipated  any  substantial 
good  result  may  be  doubted.  Franklin  himself  has 
told  the  story  with  much  particularity,  and  since  it 
will  neither  bear  curtailment  nor  admit  of  being 


200  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

related  at  length,  and  since  the  whole  palaver  ac 
complished  absolutely  nothing,  the  relation  will  be 
omitted  here.  In  the  course  of  it  the  efforts  to 
bribe  Franklin  were  renewed,  and  briefly  rejected 
by  him.  Also  he  met,  and  established  a  very 
friendly  personal  relation  with,  Lord  Howe,  who 
afterward  commanded  the  British  fleet  in  American 
waters. 

Having  discovered  the  emptiness  of  this  busi 
ness  Franklin  at  last  completed  his  arrangements 
for  his  return  home.  He  placed  his  agencies  in  the 
hands  of  Arthur  Lee.  His  last  day  in  London  he 
passed  with  his  staunch  old  friend,  Dr.  Priestley, 
and  a  large  part  of  the  time,  says  the  doctor,  "  he 
was  looking  over  a  number  of  American  news 
papers,  directing  me  what  to  extract  from  them  for 
the  English  ones  ;  and  in  reading  them  he  was  fre 
quently  not  able  to  proceed  for  the  tears  literally 
running  down  his  cheeks."  Such  was  the  depth  of 
feeling  in  one  often  accounted  callous,  indifferent, 
or  even  untrustworthy  in  the  matter  of  American 
relations  with  England.  He  felt  some  anxiety  as 
to  whether  his  departure  might  not  be  prevented 
by  an  arrest,  and  made  his  journey  to  Portsmouth 
with  such  speed  and  precautions  as  were  possible.1 
But  he  was  not  interrupted,  and  sailed  on  some  day 
near  the  middle  of  March,  1775.  His  departure 
marked  an  era  in  the  relations  of  Great  Britain 
with  her  American  colonies.  It  signified  that  all 
hope  of  agreement,  all  possibility  of  reconciliation 

1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  ii.  70. 


THE  HUTCHINSON  LETTERS.       201 

upon  one  side  or  of  recession  upon  the  other,  were 
absolutely  over.  That  Franklin  gave  up  in  de 
spair  the  task  of  preventing  a  war  meant  that  war 
was  certain  and  imminent.  He  arrived  in  Phila 
delphia  May  5,  1775.  During  his  absence  his 
wife  had  died,  and  his  daughter  had  married  a 
young  man,  Richard  Bache,  whom  he  had  never 
yet  seen. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

SERVICES   IN   THE    STATES. 

FROM  the  solitude  of  the  ocean  to  the  seething 
turmoil  which  Franklin  found  in  the  colonies  must 
have  been  a  startling  transition.  He  had  come 
home  an  old  man,  lacking  but  little  of  the  allotted 
threescore  years  and  ten.  He  had  earned  and  de 
sired  repose,  but  never  before  had  he  encountered 
such  exacting,  important,  and  unremitting  labor  as 
immediately  fell  to  his  lot.  Lexington  and  Con 
cord  fights  had  taken  place  a  fortnight  before  he 
landed,  and  the  news  preceded  him  in  Philadelphia 
by  a  few  days  only.  Many  feelings  may  be  dis 
cerned  in  the  brief  note  which  he  wrote  on  May 
16th  to  Dr.  Priestley  :  — 

"  DEAR  FRIEND,  —  You  will  have  heard,  before  this 
reaches  you,  of  a  march  stolen  by  the  regulars  into  the 
country  by  night,  and  of  their  expedition  back  again. 
They  retreated  twenty  miles  in  six  hours.  The  governor 
had  called  the  Assembly  to  propose  Lord  North's 
pacific  plan,  but  before  the  time  of  their  meeting  began 
the  cutting  of  throats.  You  know  it  was  said  he  carried 
the  sword  in  one  hand  and  the  olive  branch  in  the  other, 
and  it  seems  he  chose  to  give  them  a  taste  of  the  sword 
first." 


SERVICES  IN  THE  STATES.  203 

To  another  correspondent  he  said  that  "  the 
feeble  Americans,  who  pelted  them  all  the  way, 
could  scarcely  keep  up  with  "  the  rapidly  retreat 
ing  redcoats.  But  the  occurrence  of  bloodshed  had 
an  immense  meaning  for  Franklin ;  it  opened  to 
his  vision  all  the  future :  an  irreconcilable  struggle, 
and  finally  independence,  with  a  bitter  animosity 
long  surviving.  He  could  not  address  all  those 
who  had  once  been  near  and  dear  to  him  in  Eng 
land  as  he  did  the  good  Dr.  Priestley.  The  letter 
to  Strahan  of  July  5,  1775,  is  famous :  — 

"  MR.  STRAHAN,  —  You  are  a  member  of  Parliament, 
and  one  of  that  majority  which  has  doomed  my  country 
to  destruction.  You  have  begun  to  burn  our  towns  and 
murder  our  people.  Look  upon  your  hands ;  they  are 
stained  with  the  blood  of  your  relations  !  You  and  I 
were  long  friends ;  you  are  now  my  enemy,  and  I  am, 
"  Yours,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

But  strained  as  his  relations  with  Strahan  were 
for  a  while,  it  is  agreeable  to  know  that  the  es 
trangement  between  such  old  and  close  friends  was 
not  everlasting. 

To  write  at  length  concerning  Franklin's  ser 
vices  during  his  brief  stay  at  home  would  involve 
giving  a  history  of  the  whole  affairs  of  the  colonies 
at  this  time.  But  space  presses,  and  this  ground 
is  familiar  and  has  been  traversed  in  other  volumes 
in  this  series.  It  seems  sufficient  therefore  rather 
to  enumerate  than  to  narrate  his  various  engage 
ments,  and  thus  to  reserve  more  room  for  less  well1 
known  matters 


204  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

On  the  very  day  after  his  return,  when  he  had 
scarce  caught  the  breath  of  land,  he  was  unani 
mously  elected  by  the  Assembly  a  delegate  to  the 
Provincial  Congress.  It  was  an  emergency  when 
the  utmost  must  be  made  of  time,  brains,  and  men. 
By  subsequent  reelections  he  continued  to  sit  in 
that  body  until  his  departure  for  France.  There 
was  business  enough  before  it :  the  organization  of 
a  government,  of  the  army,  of  the  finances ;  most 
difficult  of  all,  the  arrangement  of  a  national  policy, 
and  the  harmonizing  of  conflicting  opinions  among 
men  of  influence  at  home.  In  all  that  came  before 
the  Congress  Franklin  was  obliged  to  take  his  full 
share.  He  seems  to  have  been  upon  all  the  busy 
and  important  committees.  There  were  more  ar 
dent  spirits,  greater  propelling  forces,  than  he  was  ; 
but  his  wisdom  was  transcendent.  Dickinson  and 
his  followers  were  bent  upon  sending  one  more 
petition  to  the  king,  a  scheme  which  was  ridiculed 
almost  with  anger  by  the  more  advanced  and  reso 
lute  party.  But  Franklin's  counsel  was  to  give 
way  to  their  wishes,  as  being  the  best  policy  for 
bringing  them  later  into  full  accord  with  the  party 
which  was  for  war.  He  had  no  hopes  of  any  other 
good  result  from  the  proceeding ;  but  it  also 
chimed  with  his  desire  to  put  the  English  as  much 
as  possible  in  the  wrong.  In  the  like  direction  was 
a  clause  in  his  draft  of  a  declaration,  intended  to 
be  issued  by  Washington  in  the  summer  of  1775. 
To  counteract  the  charge  that  the  colonies  refused 
to  contribute  to  the  cost  of  their  own  protection, 


SERVICES  IN  THE  STATES.  205 

he  proposed  that,  if  Great  Britain  would  abolish 
her  monopoly  of  the  colonial  trade,  allowing  free 
commerce  between  the  colonies  and  all  the  rest  of 
the  world,  they  would  pay  into  the  English  sinking 
fund  X100,000  annually  for  one  hundred  years; 
which  would  be  more  than  sufficient,  if  "  faithfully 
and  inviolably  applied  for  that  purpose,  ...  to 
extinguish  all  her  present  national  debt." 

At  the  close  of  this  document  he  administered  a 
telling  fillip  in  his  humorous  style  to  that  numer 
ous  class  who  seek  to  control  practical  affairs  by 
sentiment,  and  who  now  would  have  had  their 
prattle  about  the  "  mother  country  "  outweigh  the 
whole  accumulation  of  her  very  unmaternal  op 
pression  and  injustice.  Concerning  the  allegation 
of  an  unfilial  ingratitude,  he  said :  k'  There  is 
much  more  reason  for  retorting  that  charge  on 
Britain,  who  not  only  never  contributes  any  aid, 
nor  affords,  by  an  exclusive  commerce,  any  advan 
tages  to  Saxony,  her  mother  country ;  but,  no 
longer  since  than  the  last  war,  without  the  least  pro 
vocation,  subsidized  the  king  of  Prussia  while  he 
ravaged  that  mother  country,,  and  carried  fire  and 
sword  into  its  capital.  .  .  .  An  example  we  hope 
no  provocation  will  induce  us  to  imitate."  Had  this 
declaration  ever  been  used,  which  it  was  not,  the 
dignity  of  the  grave  general  who  commanded  the 
American  forces  would  have  compelled  him  to  cut 
off  this  closing  snapper  from  the  lash,  amusing 
as  it  was.  The  witty  notion  had  found  a  more 
appropriate  place  in  the  newspaper  article  which 


206  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

had  dumfounded  the  guests  at  the  English  coun 
try  house.  Commenting  upon  this,  Mr.  Parton 
well  says :  "  Here  perhaps  we  have  one  of  the  rea 
sons  why  Dr.  Franklin,  who  was  universally  con 
fessed  to  be  the  ablest  pen  in  America,  was  not  al 
ways  asked  to  write  the  great  documents  of  the 
Revolution.  He  would  have  put  a  joke  into  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  if  it  had  fallen  to  him 
to  write  it.  ...  His  jokes,  the  circulating  medium 
of  Congress,  were  as  helpful  to  the  cause  as  Jay's 
conscience,  or  Adams's  fire ;  .  .  .  but  they  were  out 
of  place  in  formal,  exact,  and  authoritative  papers."  l 

A  document  which  cost  Dr.  Franklin  much  more 
labor  than  this  declaration  was  a  plan  for  a  union 
of  the  colonies,  which  he  brought  forward  July 
21,  1775.  It  was  the  "  first  sketch  of  a  plan  of 
confederation  which  is  known  to  have  been  pre 
sented  to  Congress."  No  final  action  was  ever 
taken  upon  it.  It  contained  a  provision  that  Ire 
land,  the  West  India  Islands,  the  Canadian  posses 
sions,  and  Florida  might,  upon  application,  be  re 
ceived  into  the  confederation. 

Franklin's  duties  in  Congress  were  ample  to 
consume  his  time  and  strength ;  but  they  were  far 
from  being  all  that  he  had  to  do.  Almost  imme 
diately  after  his  return  he  was  made  chairman  of  a 
committee  for  organizing  the  postal  service  of  the 
country.  In  execution  of  this  duty  he  established 
in  substance  that  system  which  has  ever  since  pre 
vailed  ;  and  he  was  then  at  once  appointed  post- 

1  Life  of  Franklin,  ii.  85. 


SERVICES  IN  THE  STATES.        207 

master-general,  with  a  salary  of  <£1,000  per  annum. 
When  franking  letters  he  amused  himself  by 
changing  the  formula,  "  Free :  B.  Franklin  "  into 
"  B.  Free,  Franklin." 

He  was  next  made  chairman  of  the  provincial 
committee  of  safety,  a  body  which  began  its  sit 
tings  at  the  comfortable,  old-fashioned  hour  of  six 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  Its  duty  was  to  call  out 
and  organize  all  the  military  resources  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  generally  to  provide  for  the  defenses  of 
the  Province.  It  worked  with  much  efficiency  in 
its  novel  and  difficult  department.  Among  other 
things,  Franklin  devised  and  constructed  some  in 
genious  "marine  chevaux  de  frise"  for  closing 
the  river  approaches  to  Philadelphia. 

In  October,  1775,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
Assembly  of  the  Province.  But  this  did  not  add 
to  his  labors ;  for  the  oath  of  allegiance  had  not 
yet  been  dispensed  with ;  he  would  not  take  it,  and 
resigned  his  seat. 

In  September,  1775,  Franklin,  Lynch  of  South 
Carolina,  and  Harrison  of  Virginia,  as  a  committee 
of  Congress,  were  dispatched  to  Cambridge,  Mas 
sachusetts,  to  confer  with  Washington  concern 
ing  military  affairs.  They  rode  from  Philadelphia 
to  the  leaguer  around  Boston  in  thirteen  days. 
Their  business  was  achieved  with  no  great  diffi 
culty  ;  but  they  lingered  a  few  days  more  in  that 
interesting  camp,  and  were  absent  six  weeks.  Gen 
eral  Greene  has  recorded  how  he  gazed  upon  Frank 
lin,  "  that  very  great  man,  with  silent  admiration ; " 


208  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

and  Abigail  Adams  tells  with  what  interest  she 
met  him  whom  "  from  infancy  she  had  been  taught 
to  venerate,"  and  how  she  read  in  his  grave  coun 
tenance  "  patriotism  in  its  full  lustre  "  and  with  it 
"  blended  every  virtue  of  a  Christian."  The  phrase 
was  not  well  chosen  to  fall  from  the  pen  of  Mrs. 
Adams,  yet  was  literally  true  ;  Franklin  had  the 
virtues,  though  dissevered  from  the  tenets  which 
that  worthy  Puritan  dame  conceived  essential  to 
the  make  up  of  a  genuine  Christian.  The  time 
came  when  her  husband  would  not  have  let  her 
speak  thus  in  praise  of  Benjamin  Franklin. 

In  the  spring  of  1776  Congress  was  inconsiderate 
enough  to  impose  upon  Franklin  a  journey  to  Mon 
treal,  there  to  confer  with  General  Arnold  concern 
ing  affairs  in  Canada.  It  was  a  severe,  even  a 
cruel  task  to  put  upon  a  man  of  his  age ;  but  with 
his  usual  tranquil  courage  he  accepted  the  mission. 
He  met  the  ice  in  the  rivers,  and  suffered  much 
from  fatigue  and  exposure ;  indeed,  the  carelessness 
of  Congress  was  near  depriving  the  country  of  a 
life  which  could  not  have  been  spared.  On  April 
15th  he  wrote  from  Saratoga :  "  I  begin  to  appre 
hend  that  I  have  undertaken  a  fatigue  that  at  my 
time  of  life  may  prove  too  much  for  me ;  so  I  sit 
down  to  write  to  a  few  friends  by  way  of  farewell; " 
and  still  the  real  wilderness  with  all  its  hardships 
lay  before  him.  After  he  had  traversed  it  he  had 
the  poor  reward  of  finding  himself  on  a  bootless 
errand.  The  Canadian  enterprise  had  no  possible 
future  save  failure  and  retreat.  There  was  abso- 


SERVICES  IN  THE  STATES.  209 

lutely  nothing  which  he  could  do  in  Canada;  he 
was  being  wasted  there,  and  resolved  to  get  away 
as  soon  as  he  could.  Accordingly  he  made  his 
painful  way  homeward ;  but  worn  out  as  he  was, 
he  was  given  scant  opportunity  to  recuperate  from 
this  perilous  and  mistaken  journey.  The  times 
called  upon  every  patriot  to  spend  all  he  had  of 
vigor,  intellect,  money,  life  itself,  for  the  common 
cause,  and  Franklin  was  no  niggard  in  the  stress. 

In  the  spring  of  1776  the  convention  charged  to 
prepare  a  constitution  for  the  independent  State  of 
Pennsylvania  was  elected.  Franklin  was  a  member, 
and  when  the  convention  came  together  he  was 
chosen  to  preside  over  its  deliberations.  It  sat  from 
July  16th  to  September  28th.  The  constitution 
which  it  presented  to  the  people  established  a  legis 
lature  of  only  one  house,  a  feature  which  Franklin 
approved  and  defended.  At  the  close  of  the  delib 
erations  thanks  were  unanimously  voted  to  him  for 
his  services  as  presiding  officer,  and  for  his  "  able 
and  disinterested  advice." 

Yet  in  spite  of  abundant  acts,  like  this,  of  real 
independence  taking  place  upon  all  sides,  profession 
of  it  inspired  alarm  in  a  large  proportion  of  the 
people.  Congress  even  declared  formally  that 
independence  was  not  aimed  at.  Sam  Adams,  dis 
gusted,  talked  of  forming  a  New  England  confed 
eracy,  and  Franklin  approved  the  scheme  and  said 
that  in  such  an  event  he  would  cast  in  his  lot  with 
the  New  Englanders.  But  the  stream  ran  on  in 
spite  of  some  snags  in  the  current.  It  was  not 


210  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

much  later  that  Franklin  found  himself  one  of  the 
committee  of  five  elected  by  ballot  to  frame  a  decla 
ration  of  independence.  Had  he  been  called  upon 
to  write  the  document  he  would  certainly  have 
given  something  more  terse  and  simple  than  that 
rotund  and  magniloquent  instrument  which  Jeffer 
son  bequeathed  to  the  unbounded  admiration  of 
American  posterity.  As  it  was,  Franklin's  recorded 
connection  with  the  preparation  of  that  famous 
paper  is  confined  to  the  amusing  tale  about  John 
Thompson,  Hatter,  wherewith  he  mitigated  the 
miseries  of  Jefferson  during  the  debate ;  and  to  his 
familiar  bon-mot  in  reply  to  Harrison's  appeal  for 
unanimity  :  "  Yes,  we  must  indeed  all  hang  to 
gether,  or  assuredly  we  shall  all  hang  separately." 
With  this  rather  grim  jest  upon  his  lip,  he  set  his 
signature  to  one  of  the  greatest  documents  in  the 
world's  history. 

When  it  came  to  shaping  the  machinery  of  the 
confederation,  the  great  difficulty,  as  is  well  known, 
lay  in  establishing  a  just  proportion  between  the 
larger  and  the  smaller  states.  Should  they  have 
equal  weight  in  voting,  or  not  ?  It  was  a  question 
so  vital  and  so  hard  to  settle  that  the  confederacy 
narrowly  survived  the  strain.  Franklin  was  de 
cidedly  in  favor  of  making  the  voting  value  propor 
tionate  to  the  size,  measured  by  population,  of  the 
several  states.  He  said :  Let  the  smaller  colonies 
give  equal  money  and  men,  and  then  let  them  have 
an  equal  vote.  If  they  have  an  equal  vote  without 
bearing  equal  burdens,  a  confederation  based  on 


SERVICES  IN  THE  STATES.  211 

such  iniquitous  principles  will  not  last  long.  To 
set  out  with  an  unequal  representation  is  unreason 
able.  There  is  no  danger  that  the  larger  states 
will  absorb  the  smaller.  The  same  apprehension 
was  expressed  when  Scotland  was  united  to  Eng 
land.  It  was  then  said  that  the  whale  had  swal 
lowed  Jonah ;  but  Lord  Bute's  administration  came 
in,  and  then  it  was  seen  that  Jonah  had  swallowed 
the  whale.  That  Scotch  favorite  was  the  provoca 
tion  for  many  witty  sayings,  but  for  none  better 
than  this. 

In  July,  1776,  Lord  Howe  arrived,  in  command 
of  the  English  fleet.  He  immediately  sought  to 
open  a  friendly  correspondence  with  Franklin.  He 
had  played  a  prominent  part  in  those  efforts  at 
conciliation  which  had  come  to  naught  just  before 
Franklin's  departure  from  England  ;  and  he  now 
renewed  his  generous  attempt  to  act  as  a  mediator. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  this  nobleman,  as  kindly  as 
brave,  would  far  rather  have  reconciled  the  Amer 
icans  than  have  fought  them.  By  permission  of 
Congress  Franklin  replied  by  a  long  letter,  not 
deficient  in  courtesy  of  language,  but  full  of  argu 
ment  upon  the  American  side,  and  in  a  tone  which 
there  was  no  misconceiving.  Its  closing  paragraph 
was :  — 

"  I  consider  this  war  against  us,  therefore,  as  both 
unjust  and  unwise ;  and  I  am  persuaded  that  cool,  dis 
passionate  posterity  will  condemn  to  infamy  those  who 
advised  it ;  and  that  even  success  will  not  save  from 
some  degree  of  dishonor  those  who  voluntarily  engaged 


212  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

to  conduct  it.  I  know  your  great  motive  in  coming 
hither  was  the  hope  of  being  instrumental  in  a  reconcili 
ation  ;  and  I  believe,  when  you  find  that  impossible  on 
any  terms  given  you  to  propose,  you  will  relinquish  so 
odious  a  command,  and  return  to  a  more  honorable  pri 
vate  station." 

If  the  Englishman  had  been  hot-tempered,  this 
would  probably  have  ended  the  correspondence  ;  as 
it  was,  he  only  delayed  for  a  while  before  writing 
civilly  again.  The  battle  of  Long  Island  next 
occurred,  and  Lord  Howe  fancied  that  that  disaster 
might  bring  the  Americans  to  their  senses.  He 
paroled  General  Sullivan  and  by  him  sent  a  mes 
sage  to  Congress :  That  he  and  his  brother  had 
full  powers  to  arrange  an  accommodation ;  that 
they  could  not  at  present  treat  with  Congress  as 
such,  but  would  like  to  confer  with  some  of  its 
members  as  private  gentlemen.  After  a  long 
debate  it  was  resolved  to  send  a  committee  of  Con 
gress  to  meet  the  admiral  and  the  general,  and 
Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Edward  Rutledge  were 
deputed.  Lord  Howe  received  them  with  much 
courtesy,  and  gave  them  a  lunch  before  proceeding 
to  business.  But 'when  luncheon  was  over  and  the 
substance  of  the  errand  was  reached,  it  was  very 
shortly  disposed  of.  His  lordship  opened  with  a 
speech  of  elaborate  civility,  and  concluded  by  say 
ing  that  he  felt  for  America  as  for  a  brother,  and 
if  America  should  fall  he  should  feel  and  lament  it 
like  the  loss  of  a  brother.  Franklin  replied  :  "  My 
lord,  we  will  use  our  utmost  endeavors  to  save  your 


SERVICES  IN  THE  STATES.        213 

lordship  that  mortification."  But  Lord  Howe  did 
not  relish  this  Yankee  wit.  He  continued  by  a 
long,  explanatory,  conciliatory  address.  At  its 
close  there  was  necessarily  brought  up  the  question 
of  the  character  in  which  the  envoys  came.  His 
lordship  thought  that  the  idea  of  Congress  might 
"easily  be  thrown  out  at  present."  Franklin 
adroitly  settled  it:  "Your  lordship  may  consider 
us  in  any  view  you  think  proper.  We  on  our  part 
are  at  liberty  to  consider  ourselves  in  our  real  char 
acter.  But  there  is  really  no  necessity  on  this 
occasion  to  distinguish  between  members  of  Con 
gress  and  individuals.  The  conversation  may  be 
held  as  among  friends."  Mr.  Adams  made  one  of 
those  blunt  and  pugnacious  remarks  which,  when 
ever  addressed  to  Englishmen,  are  sure  to  endear 
the  speaker  to  the  American  nation.  Mr.  Rutledge 
laid  over  it  the  courtesy  of  a  gentleman ;  and  then 
the  conference  came  to  the  point. 

Lord  Howe  expressed  his  majesty's  earnest  de 
sire  for  a  permanent  peace  and  for  the  happiness 
of  his  American  subjects,  his  willingness  for  a  re 
form  and  for  a  redress  of  grievances.  But  he  ad 
mitted  that  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was 
an  awkward  obstacle.  He  asked :  "  Is  there  no  way 
of  treating  back  of  this  step  of  independency?" 
Franklin  replied  at  some  length,  closing  with  the 
words:  "Forces  have  been  sent  out,  and  towns 
have  been  burnt.  We  cannot  now  expect  happi 
ness  under  the  domination  of  Great  Britain.  All 
former  attachments  are  obliterated.  America  can* 


214  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

not  return  to  the  domination  of  Great  Britain,  and 
I  imagine  that  Great  Britain  means  to  rest  it  upon 
force."  Adams  said :  "  It  is  not  in  our  power  to 
treat  otherwise  than  as  independent  states ;  and  for 
my  own  part,  I  avow  my  determination  never  to 
depart  from  the  idea  of  independency."  Rutledge 
said:  "With  regard  to  the  people  consenting  to 
come  again  under  the  English  government,  it  is  im 
possible.  I  can  answer  for  South  Carolina."  Lord 
Howe  replied  :  "  If  such  are  your  sentiments,  I  can 
only  regret  that  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  bring  about 
the  accommodation  I  wish.*'  Thus  the  fruitlessness 
of  such  efforts  was  made  manifest ;  of  all  concerned 
it  is  probable  that  the  most  amiable  of  Englishmen 
was  the  only  one  who  was  disappointed  at  the  re 
sult.  The  Americans  were  by  no  means  displeased 
at  having  another  and  conclusive  proof  to  convince 
the  doubting  ones  that  reconciliation  was  an  impos 
sibility. 

Franklin's  language  was  expressive  of  the  way 
in  which  his  mind  had  worked.  Until  it  came  to 
the  "  cutting  of  throats,"  he  had  never  altogether 
and  avowedly  given  up  hopes  that,  from  the  re 
servoir  of  unknown  things  in  the  future,  something 
might  in  time  come  forth  that  would  bring  about 
a  reasonable  accommodation.  But  the  first  blood 
shed  effected  a  change  in  his  feelings  as  irrevocable 
as  that  which  Hawthorne  so  subtly  represents  as 
having  been  worked  in  the  nature  of  Donatello  by 
a  violent  taking  of  life.  "  Bunker's  Hill  "  excited 
him ;  the  sack  of  Falmouth  affected  him  with  ter- 


SERVICES   IN  THE  STATES.  215 

rible  intensity.  When  the  foolish  petition  of  the 
Dickinson  party  was  sent  to  England,  he  wrote  to 
Dr.  Priestley  that  the  colonies  had  given  Britain 
one  more  chance  of  recovering  their  friendship, 
"  which,  however,  I  think  she  has  not  sense  enough 
to  embrace ;  and  so  I  conclude  she  has  lost  them 
forever.  She  has  begun  to  burn  our  seaport  towns, 
secure,  I  suppose,  that  we  shall  never  be  able  to 
return  the  outrage  in  kind.  ...  If  she  wishes  to 
have  us  subjects  .  .  .  she  is  now  giving  us  such 
miserable  specimens  of  her  government  that  we 
shall  ever  detest  and  avoid  it,  as  a  combination  of 
robbery,  murder,  famine,  fire,  and  pestilence."  His 
humor  could  not  be  altogether  repressed,  but  there 
was  sternness  and  bitterness  underlying  it :  "  Tell 
our  dear,  good  friend,  Dr.  Price,  who  sometimes 
has  his  doubts  and  despondencies  about  our  firm 
ness,  that  America  is  determined  and  unanimous ; 
a  very  few  Tories  and  placemen  excepted,  who  will 
probably  soon  export  themselves.  Britain,  at  the 
expense  of  three  millions,  has  killed  one  hundred 
and  fifty  Yankees,  this  campaign,  which  is  twenty 
thousand  pounds  a  head  ;  and  at  Bunker's  Hill  she 
gained  a  mile  of  ground,  half  of  which  she  lost 
again  by  our  taking  post  at  Ploughed  Hill.  During 
the  same  time  60,000  children  have  been  born  in 
America.  From  these  data  his  mathematical  head 
will  easily  calculate  the  time  and  expense  necessary 
to  kill  us  all,  and  conquer  our  whole  territory."  It 
was  a  comical  way  of  expressing  the  real  truth  that 
Britain  neither  would  nor  could  give  enough  either 


216  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

of  men,  or  money,  or  time  to  accomplish  the  task 
she  had  undertaken.  To  another  he  wrote  :  "  We 
hear  that  more  ships  and  troops  are  coming  out. 
We  know  that  you  may  do  us  a  great  deal  of  mis 
chief,  and  are  determined  to  bear  it  patiently,  as 
long  as  we  can.  But  if  you  flatter  yourselves  witb 
beating  us  into  submission,  you  know  neither  the 
people  nor  the  country."  Other  men  wrote  ardent 
words  and  indulged  in  the  rhetorical  extravagance 
of  intense  excitement  in  those  days;  Franklin 
sometimes  cloaked  the  intensity  of  his  feeling  in 
humor,  at  other  times  spoke  with  a  grave  and  self- 
contained  moderation  which  was  within  rather  than 
without  the  facts  and  the  truth.  Everything  which 
he  said  was  true  with  precision  to  the  letter.  But 
his  careful  statement  and  measured  profession  indi 
cate  rather  than  belie  the  earnestness  of  his  feeling, 
the  strength  of  his  conviction,  and  the  fixedness  of 
his  resolution. 

Thus  briefly  must  be  dismissed  the  extensive  and 
important  toil  of  eighteen  months,  probably  the 
busiest  of  Franklin's  long  and  busy  life.  In  Sep 
tember,  1776,  he  was  elected  envoy  to  France,  and 
scant  space  is  left  for  narrating  the  events  of  that 
interesting  embassage. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

MINISTER    TO    FRANCE:     I. 
DEANE    AND    BEAUMARCHAIS  I     FOREIGN   OFFICERS. 

IT  is  difficult  to  pass  a  satisfactory  judgment 
upon  the  diplomacy  of  the  American  Revolution. 
If  one  takes  its  history  in  detail  it  presents  a  dis 
agreeable  picture  of  importunate  knocking  at  the 
closed  doors  of  foreign  courts,  of  incessant  and  al 
most  shameless  begging  for  money  and  for  any  and 
every  kind  of  assets  that  could  be  made  useful  in 
war,  of  public  bickering  and  private  slandering 
among  the  envoys  and  agents  themselves.  If,  on 
the  other  hand,  its  achievements  are  considered,  it 
appears  crowned  with  the  distinction  of  substantial, 
repeated,  sometimes  brilliant,  successes.  A  like  con 
trast  is  found  in  its  personnel.  Between  Franklin 
and  Arthur  Lee  a  distance  opens  like  that  between 
the  poles,  in  which  stand  such  men  as  Jay  and 
Adams  near  the  one  extreme,  Izard,  William  Lee, 
and  Thomas  Morris  near  the  other,  with  Deane, 
Laurens,  Carmichael,  Jonathan  Williams,  and  a 
few  more  in  the  middle  ground.  Yet  what  could 
have  been  reasonably  expected  ?  Franklin  had  had 


218  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

some  dealings  with  English  statesmen  upon  what 
may  be  called  international  business,  and  had  justly 
regarded  himself  in  the  light  of  a  quasi  foreign 
minister.  But  with  this  exception  not  one  man  in 
all  the  colonies  had  had  the  slightest  experience  in 
diplomatic  affairs,  or  any  personal  knowledge  of 
the  requirements  of  a  diplomatic  office,  or  any  op 
portunity  to  gain  any  ideas  on  the  subject  beyond 
such  as  a  well-educated  man  could  glean  from  read 
ing  the  scant  historical  literature  which  existed  in 
those  days.  It  was  difficult  also  for  Congress  to 
know  how  to  judge  and  discriminate  concerning  the 
material  which  it  found  at  its  disposal.  There  had 
been  nothing  in  the  careers  of  the  prominent  pa 
triots  to  indicate  whether  or  not  any  especial  one 
among  them  had  a  natural  aptitude  for  diplomacy. 
The  selection  must  be  made  with  little  knowledge 
of  the  duties  of  the  position,  and  with  no  knowl 
edge  of  the  responsive  characteristics  of  the  man. 
It  was  only  natural  that  many  of  the  appointments 
thus  blindly  made  should  turn  out  ill.  After  they 
were  made,  and  the  appointees  had  successfully 
crossed  the  ocean  through  the  dangerous  gauntlet 
of  the  English  cruisers,  there  arose  to  be  answered 
in  Europe  the  embarrassing  question  :  What  these 
self-styled  representatives  represented.  Was  it  a 
nation,  or  only  a  parcel  of  rebels  ?  Here  was  an 
unusual  and  vexatious  problem,  concerning  which 
most  of  the  cautious  royal  governments  were  in  no 
hurry  to  commit  themselves  ;  and  their  reticence 
added  greatly  to  the  perplexities  of  the  fledgling 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  219 

diplomats.  Nearly  all  cabinets  felt  it  a  great  temp 
tation  to  assist  the  colonies  of  the  domineering 
mistress  of  the  seas  to  change  themselves  from  her 
dependencies  into  her  naval  rivals.  But  the  at 
tempt  and  not  the  deed  might  prove  confounding ; 
neither  could  a  wise  monarch  assume  with  entire 
complacency  the  position  of  an  aider  and  an  abet 
tor  of  a  rebellion  on  the  part  of  subjects  whose 
grievances  appeared  chiefly  an  antipathy  to  taxa 
tion. 

From  the  earliest  moment  France  had  been  hope 
fully  regarded  by  the  colonists  as  probably  their 
friend  and  possibly  their  ally.  To  France,  there 
fore,  the  first  American  envoy  was  dispatched  with 
promptitude,  even  before  there  was  a  declaration 
of  independence  or  an  assumption  of  nationality. 
Silas  Deane  was  the  man  selected.  He  was  the 
true  Yankee  jack-at-all-trades ;  he  had  been  gradu 
ated  at  Yale  College,  then  taught  school,  then  prac 
ticed  law,  then  engaged  in  trade,  had  been  all  the 
while  advancing  in  prosperity  and  reputation,  had 
been  a  member  of  the  first  and  second  congresses, 
had  failed  of  reelection  to  the  third,  and  was  now 
without  employment.  Mr.  Parton  describes  him 
as  "of  somewhat  striking  manners  and  good  ap 
pearance,  accustomed  to  live  and  entertain  in  lib 
eral  style,  and  fond  of  showy  equipage  and  appoint 
ment."  Perhaps  his  simple-minded  fellow-country 
men  of  the  provinces  fancied  that  such  a  man  would 
make  an  imposing  figure  at  an  European  court.  He 
developed  no  other  peculiar  fitness  for  his  position ; 


220  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

he  could  not  even  speak  French  ;  and  it  proved  an 
ill  hour  for  himself  in  which  he  received  this  try 
ing  and  difficult  honor.  By  dint  of  native  shrewd 
ness,  good  luck,  and  falling  among  friends  he  made 
a  fair  beginning  ;  but  soon  he  floundered  beyond 
his  depth,  committed  some  vexatious  blunders,  and 
in  the  course  of  conducting  some  important  busi 
ness  at  last  found  himself  in  a  position  where  he 
had  really  done  right  but  appeared  to  have  done 
wrong,  without  being  free  to  explain  the  truth. 
The  result  was  that  he  was  recalled  upon  a  pretext 
which  poorly  concealed  his  disgrace,  that  he  found 
even  his  reputation  for  financial  honesty  clouded, 
and  that  his  prospects  for  the  future  were  of  the 
worst.  He  was  not  a  man  of  sufficient  mental  cali 
bre  or  moral  strength  to  endure  his  unmerited  suf 
ferings  with  constancy.  After  prolonged  disap 
pointments  in  his  attempts  to  set  himself  right  in 
the  opinion  of  the  country,  he  became  embittered, 
lost  all  judgment  and  patriotism,  turned  a  renegade 
to  the  cause  of  America,  which  had  wronged  him 
indeed,  but  rather  in  ignorance  than  from  malice, 
and  died  unreconciled,  a  broken  and  miserable 
exile.  Such  were  the  perils  of  the  diplomatic  ser 
vice  of  the  colonies  in  those  days. 

Deane  arrived  in  France  in  June,  1776.  He 
had  with  him  a  little  ready  money  for  his  immedi 
ate  personal  expenses,  and  some  letters  of  introduc 
tion  from  Franklin.  It  was  intended  to  keep  him 
supplied  with  money  by  sending  cargoes  of  tobacco, 
rice,  and  indigo  consigned  to  him,  the  proceeds  of 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  221 

which  would  be  at  his  disposal  for  the  public  ser 
vice.  He  was  instructed  to  seek  an  interview  with 
de  Vergennes,  the  French  minister  for  foreign  af 
fairs,  and  to  endeavor  with  all  possible  prudence 
and  delicacy  to  find  out  what  signs  of  promise  the 
disposition  of  the  French  government  really  held 
for  the  insurgents.  He  was  also  to  ask  for  equip 
ment  for  25,000  troops,  ammunition,  and  200  pieces 
of  field  artillery,  all  to  be  paid  for  —  when  Con 
gress  should  be  able !  In  France  he  was  to  keep 
his  mission  cloaked  in  secure  secrecy,  appearing 
simply  as  a  merchant  conducting  his  own  affairs ; 
and  he  was  to  write  home  common  business  letters 
under  the  very  harmless  and  unsuggestive  name  of 
Timothy  Jones,  adding  the  real  despatch  in  invisi 
ble  ink.  But  these  commonplace  precautions  were 
rendered  of  no  avail  through  the  treachery  of  Dr. 
Edward  Bancroft,  an  American  resident  abroad, 
who  had  the  confidence  of  Congress,  but  who  "  ac 
cepted  the  post  of  a  paid  American  spy,  to  prepare 
himself  for  the  more  lucrative  office  of  a  double 
spy  for  the  British  ministers."  L  Deane,  going  some 
what  beyond  his  instructions  to  correspond  with 
Bancroft,  told  him  everything.  Bancroft  is  sup 
posed  to  have  passed  the  information  along  to  the 
British  ministry,  and  thus  enabled  them  to  inter 
pose  serious  hindrances  in  the  way  of  the  ingenious 
devices  of  the  Frenchmen. 

Before  the  arrival  of  Deane  the  interests  of  the 
colonies  had  been  already  taken  in  hand  and  sub- 

1  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  S.,  ix.  63. 


222  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

stantially  advanced  in  France  by  one  of  the  most 
extraordinary  characters  in  history.  Caron  de 
Beaumarchais  was  a  man  whom  no  race  save  the 
French  could  produce,  and  whose  traits,  career,  and 
success  lie  hopelessly  beyond  the  comprehension  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon.  Bred  a  watchmaker,  he  had  the 
skill,  when  a  mere  youth,  to  invent  a  clever  escape 
ment  balance  for  regulating  watches ;  had  he  been 
able  to  insert  it  into  his  own  brain  he  might  have 
held  more  securely  his  elusive  good  fortunes.  From 
being  an  ingenious  inventor  he  became  an  adven. 
turer  general,  watchmaker  to  the  king,  the  king's 
mistresses,  and  the  king's  daughters,  the  lover,  or 
rather  the  beloved,  of  the  wife  of  the  controller  of 
the  king's  kitchen,  then  himself  the  controller, 
thence  a  courtier,  and  a  favorite  of  the  royal  prin 
cesses.  Through  a  clever  use  of  his  opportunities 
he  was  able  to  do  a  great  favor  to  a  rich  banker, 
who  in  return  gave  him  chances  to  amass  a  fortune, 
and  lent  him  money  to  buy  a  patent  of  nobility. 
This  connection  ended  in  litigation,  which  was  near 
ruining  him ;  but  he  discovered  corruption  on  the 
part  of  the  judge,  and  thereupon  wrote  his  Memo 
rials,  of  which  the  wit,  keenness,  and  vivacity  made 
him  famous.  He  then  rendered  a  private,  personal, 
and  important  service  to  Louis  XV.,  and  soon  after 
wards  another  to  the  young  Louis  XVI.  His  ca 
pacity  for  secret  usefulness  gave  him  further  occu 
pation  and  carried  him  much  to  London.  There  he 
wrote  the  u  Barber  of  Seville,"  and  there  also  he 
fell  in  with  Arthur  Lee  and  became  indoctrinated 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  223 

with  grand  notions  of  the  resources  and  value  of 
the  colonies,  and  of  the  ruin  which  their  separation 
must  inflict  upon  England.  Furthermore,  as  a 
Frenchman  he  naturally  consorted  with  members 
of  the  opposition  party  who  took  views  very  favor 
able  to  America.  With  such  corroboration  of  Lee's 
statements,  Beaumarchais,  never  moderate  in  any 
sentiment,  leaped  to  the  conclusion  that  the  colo 
nies  "  must  be  invincible,"  and  that  England  was 
44  upon  the  brink  of  ruin,  if  her  neighbors  and  ri 
vals  were  but  in  a  state  to  think  seriously  of  it." 
At  once  the  lively  and  ambitious  fancy  of  the  im 
petuous  Frenchman  spread  an  extravagant  pano 
rama  of  the  possibilities  thus  opened  to  England's 
"natural  enemy."  He  became  frenzied  in  the 
American  cause.  In  long  and  ardent  letters  he 
opened  upon  King  Louis  and  his  ministers  a  rat 
tling  fire  of  arguments  sound  and  unsound,  state 
ments  true  and  untrue,  inducements  reasonable  and 
unreasonable,  forecastings  probable  and  improba 
ble,  policies  wise  and  unwise,  all  designed  to  show 
that  it  was  the  bounden  duty  of  France  to  adopt 
the  colonial  cause.  The  king,  with  no  very  able 
brain  at  any  time,  was  very  young  and  wholly  in 
experienced.  He  gazed  bewildered  at  the  brilliant 
pageantry  of  Beaumarchais's  wonderful  and  auda 
cious  statecraft,  and  sensibly  sought  the  advice  of 
his  ministers. 

De  Yergennes  set  out  his  views,  in  agreement 
with  Beaumarchais.  He  declared  that  France  now 
had  her  opportunity  to  reduce  her  dangerous  rival 


224  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

to  the  place  of  a  second-rate  power.  To  this  end  it 
was  desirable  that  the  rebellion  should  endure  at 
least  one  year.  The  sufferings  of  the  colonists  in 
that  period  would  so  embitter  them  that,  even  if 
they  should  finally  be  subdued,  they  would  ever 
remain  a  restless,  dangerous  thorn  in  the  side  of 
England,  a  bond  with  a  heavy  penalty  effectually 
binding  her  to  keep  the  peace.  To  make  sure  that 
neither  side  should  move  for  peace  before  this  one 
valuable  year  of  warfare  should  have  been  secured, 
it  was  the  policy  of  France  to  maintain  a  pacific 
front  towards  Great  Britain,  thus  relieving  her 
from  any  fear  that  the  colonies  would  obtain  a 
French  alliance,  but  clandestinely  to  furnish  the 
insurgents  with  munitions  of  war  and  money  suffi 
cient  to  enable  and  encourage  them  to  hold  out. 

The  wise  Turgot,  in  a  state  paper  marked  by 
great  ability,  opposed  French  intervention,  and 
proved  his  case.  Colonial  independence  was  sure 
to  come,  a  little  sooner  or  later.  Yet  the  reduction 
of  the  colonies  would  be  the  best  possible  assurance 
that  England  would  not  break  the  peace  with 
France,  since  the  colonists,  being  mutinous  and  dis 
contented,  would  give  her  concern  enough.  On  the 
other  hand,  should  England  fail,  as  he  anticipated 
that  she  would,  in  this  war,  she  would  hardly  emerge 
from  it  in  condition  to  undertake  another  with 
France.  As  for  the  colonies  themselves,  should 
they  win,  the  character  of  the  Americans  gave 
augury  of  their  wishing  a  solid  government  and 
therefore  cultivating  peace.  He  uttered  an  admi- 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  225 

rable  dissertation  upon  the  relations  between  col 
onies  and  a  parent  country,  and  upon  the  value  of 
colonies  in  its  bearing  upon  the  present  question. 
In  conclusion  he  gravely  referred  to  the  alarming 
deficit  in  the  French  exchequer  as  the  strongest  of 
all  arguments  against  incurring  the  heavy  charge 
of  a  war  not  absolutely  unavoidable.  "  For  a  neces 
sary  war  resources  could  be  found ;  but  war  ought 
to  be  shunned  as  the  greatest  of  misfortunes,  since 
it  would  render  impossible,  perhaps  forever,  a  re 
form  absolutely  necessary  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
state  and  the  solace  of  the  people."  The  king,  to 
whom  these  wise  words  were  addressed,  lived  to 
receive  terrible  proof  of  their  truth. 

This  good  advice  fell  in  well  with  the  bent  of 
Louis's  mind.  For,  though  no  statesman,  he  had 
in  this  matter  a  sound  instinct  that  an  absolute 
monarch  aiding  rebels  to  erect  a  free  republic  was 
an  anomaly,  and  a  hazardous  contradiction  in  the 
natural  order  of  things.  But  de  Vergennes  was 
the  coming  man  in  France,  and  Turgot  no  longer 
had  the  influence  or  the  popularity  to  which  his 
ability  entitled  him.  In  May,  1776,  on  an  ill  day 
for  the  French  monarchy,  but  a  fair  one  for  the 
American  provinces,  this  able  statesman  was  ousted 
from  the  cabinet.  De  Vergennes  remained  to 
wield  entire  control  of  the  policy  of  the  kingdom 
in  this  business,  and  his  triumph  was  the  great 
good  fortune  of  the  colonies.  Yet  his  design  was 
sufficiently  cautious,  and  strictly  limited  to  the  ad 
vantage  of  his  own  country.  France  was  not  to 


226  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

be   compromised,   and   an   ingenious   scheme  was 
arranged. 

The  firm  of  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  made  sud 
den  appearance  in  Paris.  Beaumarchais  alone  coii 
ducted  its  affairs,  the  most  extraordinary  merchant 
surely  who  ever  engaged  in  extensive  commerce ! 
The  capital  was  secretly  furnished  by  the  Spanish 
and  French  governments;  about  $400,000  the  firm 
had  to  start  with,  and  later  the  French  government 
contributed  1200,000  more.  De  Vergennes  was  ex 
plicit  in  his  language  to  Beaumarchais  :  to  English 
men  and  Americans  alike  the  affair  must  be  an 
"  individual  speculation."  With  the  capital  given 
him  Beaumarchais  must  "  found  a  great  commercial 
establishment,"  and  "  at  his  own  risk  and  peril " 
sell  to  the  colonies  military  supplies.  These  would 
be  sold  to  him  from  the  French  arsenals ;  but  he 
"  must  pay  for  them."  From  the  colonies  he  must 
"ask  return  in  their  staple  products."  Except 
that  his  silent  partners  might  be  lenient  in  demand 
ing  repayment  Beaumarchais  really  was  to  be  a 
merchant,  engaged  in  an  exceptionally  hazardous 
trade.  If  he  regarded  himself  in  any  other  light 
he  was  soon  painfully  undeceived ;  for  de  Vergennes 
was  in  earnest.  But  for  the  immediate  present, 
upon  the  moment  when  he  had  arranged  these  pre 
liminaries,  doubtless  fancying  the  government  at 
his  back,  this  most  energetic  of  men  plunged  into 
his  work  with  all  the  ardor  of  his  excitable  nature. 
He  flew  hither  and  thither ;  got  arms  and  munitions 
from  the  government;  bought  and  loaded  ships, 
and  was  soon  conducting  an  enormous  business. 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  227 

But  it  was  by  no  means  all  smooth  sailing  for 
the  vessels  of  Hortalez  &  Co.  ;  for  Deane  arrived, 
not  altogether  opportunely,  just  as  Beaumarchais 
was  getting  well  under  weigh.  The  two  were 
soon  brought  together,  and  Deane  was  told  all  that 
was  going  on  save  only  the  original  connection 
of  the  French  government,  which  it  seems  that 
he  never  knew.  He  in  turn  told  all  to  Dr.  Ban 
croft,  and  so  unwittingly  to  the  English  govern 
ment.  Thereupon  the  watchful  English  cruisers 
effectually  locked  up  the  ships  of  Hortalez  in  the 
French  harbors.  Also  Lord  Stormont,  the  Eng 
lish  ambassador,  harassed  the  French  government 
with  ceaseless  representations  and  complaints  con 
cerning  these  betrayed  shipments  of  contraband 
cargoes.  At  the  same  time  the  news  from  Amer 
ica,  coming  chiefly  through  English  channels,  took 
on  a  very  gloomy  coloring,  and  lent  a  certain 
emphasis  to  these  protests  of  the  English  minister. 
De  Vergennes  felt  compelled  to  play  out  his  neu 
tral  part  even  more  in  earnest  than  had  been  in 
tended.  He  sent  to  the  ports  at  which  Hortalez 
&  Co.  had  ships  very  stringent  instructions  to 
check  unlawful  trade,  and  the  officials  obeyed  in 
good  faith  to  the  letter.  Beaumarchais  was  seri 
ously  embarrassed  at  finding  himself  bearing  in 
fact  the  mercantile  character  which  he  had  sup 
posed  that  he  was  only  dramatically  assuming. 
He  had  to  load  his  cargoes  and  clear  his  ships  as 
best  he  could,  precisely  like  any  ordinary  dealer  in 
contraband  wares;  there  was  no  favoritism,  no 


228  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

winking  at  his  breaches  of  the  law.  The  result 
was  that  it  was  a  long  while  before  he  got  any 
arms,  ammunition,  and  clothing  into  an  American 
port.  Moreover  the  ships  from  America  which 
were  to  have  brought  him  payment  in  the  shape  of 
tobacco  and  other  American  commodities  failed  to 
arrive ;  his  royal  co-partners  declined  to  make 
further  advances ;  the  ready  money  was  gone, 
credit  had  been  strained  to  the  breaking  point,  and 
a  real  bankruptcy  impended  over  the  sham  firm. 
Thus  in  the  autumn  and  early  winter  of  1776  pros 
pects  in  France  wore  no  cheerful  aspect  for  the 
colonies.  It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Franklin 
arrived,  and  he  came  like  a  reviving  breeze  from 
the  sea. 

Long  and  anxiously  did  Congress  wait  to  get 
news  from  France  ;  not  many  trustworthy  ships 
were  sent  on  so  perilous  a  voyage,  and  of  those  that 
ventured  it  only  a  few  got  across  an  ocean  "  porcu- 
pined  "  with  English  war-ships.  At  last  in  Sep 
tember,  1776,  Franklin  received  from  Dr.  Dubourg 
of  Paris,  a  gentleman  with  whom  his  friendship 
dated  back  to  his  French  trip  in  1767,  a  long  and 
cheering  letter  full  of  gratifying  intelligence  con 
cerning  the  disposition  of  the  court,  and  throwing 
out  a  number  of  such  suggestions  that  the  mere 
reading  them  was  a  stimulus  to  action.  Congress 
was  not  backward  to  respond ;  it  resolved  at  once 
to  send  a  formal  embassasfe.  Franklin  was  chosen 

O 

unanimously  by  the  first  ballot.  "  I  am  old  and 
good  for  nothing,"  he  whispered  to  Dr.  Rush,  "but, 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  229 

as  the  storekeepers  say  of  their  remnants  of  cloth, 
'  I  am  but  a  fag  end  and  you  may  have  me  for  what 
you  please.' "  l  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Deane  were 
elected  as  colleagues ;  but  Jefferson  declined  the 
service  and  Arthur  Lee  was  put  in  his  stead.  The 
Reprisal,  sloop  of  war,  of  sixteen  guns,  took  Dr. 
Franklin  and  his  grandson  on  board  for  the  dan 
gerous  voyage.  It  was  a  very  different  risk  from 
that  which  Messrs.  Slidell  and  Mason  took  nearly 
a  century  later.  They  embarked  on  a  British  mail 
steamship,  and  were  subject,  as  was  proved,  only 
to  the  ordinary  perils  of  navigation.  But  had 
Franklin  been  caught  in  this  little  rebel  craft, 
which  had  actually  been  captured  from  English 
owners  and  condemned  as  prize  by  rebel  tribunals, 
and  which  now  added  the  aggravating  circumstance 
that  she  carried  an  armament  sufficient  to  destroy 
a  merchantman  but  not  to  encounter  a  frigate,  he 
would  have  had  before  him  at  best  a  long  imprison 
ment,  at  worst  a  trial  for  high  treason  and  a  halter. 
Horace  Walpole  gave  the  news  that  "  Dr.  Franklin, 
at  the  age  of  seventy-two  or  seventy-four,  and  at 
the  risk  of  his  head,  had  bravely  embarked  on 
board  an  American  frigate."  Several  times  he 
must  have  contemplated  these  pleasing  prospects, 
for  several  times  the  small  sloop  was  chased  by 
English  cruisers ;  but  she  was  a  swift  sailer  and 
escaped  them  all.  Just  before  making  port  she 
captured  two  English  brigs  and  carried  them  in  as 
prizes. 

1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  ii.  166. 


230  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

The  reference  to  Slidell  and  Mason,  by  the  way, 
calls  to  mind  the  humorous  but  accurate  manner  in 
which  Franklin  described  the  difference  between 
revolution  and  rebellion.  Soon  after  landing  from 
this  hazardous  voyage  he  wrote  merrily  to  a  lady 
friend :  "  You  are  too  early,  hussy,  as  well  as  too 
saucy,  in  calling  me  a  rebel.  You  should  wait  for 
the  event,  which  will  determine  whether  it  is  a 
rebellion  or  only  a  revolution.  Here  the  ladies  are 
more  civil ;  they  call  us  les  insurgens,  a  character 
which  usually  pleases  them." 

The  voyage,  though  quick,  was  very  rough,  and 
Franklin,  confined  in  a  small  cabin  and  "pooily 
nourished,''  since  much  of  the  meat  was  too  tough 
for  his  old  teeth,  had  a  hard  time  of  it ;  so  that 
upon  coming  on  shore  he  found  himself  "  much 
fatigued  and  weakened,"  indeed,  "  almost  demol 
ished."  He  therefore  rested  several  days  at  Nantes 
before  going  to  Paris,  where  he  arrived  just  before 
the  close  of  the  year. 

The  excitement  which  his  arrival  in  the  French 
capital  created  was  unmistakable  evidence  of  the 
estimate  set  by  Europe  upon  his  abilities.  Some 
persons  in  England  endeavored  to  give  to  his  voy 
age  the  color  of  a  desertion  from  a  cause  of  which 

he  despaired.  "  The  arch ,  Dr.  Franklin,  has 

lately  eloped  under  a  cloak  of  plenipotentiary  to 
Versailles,"  wrote  Sir  Grey  Cooper.  But  Edmund 
Burke  refused  to  believe  that  the  man  whom  he 
had  seen  examined  before  the  privy  council  was 
"going  to  conclude  a  long  life,  which  has  brightened 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  231 

every  hour  it  has  continued,  with  so  foul  and  dis 
honorable  a  flight."  Lord  Rockingham  said  that 
the  presence  of  Franklin  in  Paris  much  more  than 
offset  the  victory  of  the  English  on  Long  Island, 
and  their  capture  of  New  York.  Lord  Stormont, 
it  is  said,  threatened  to  leave  sans  prendre  conge, 
if  the  "  chief  of  the  American  rebels  "  were  allowed 
to  come  to  Paris.  The  adroit  de  Vergennes  replied 
that  the  government  had  already  dispatched  a 
courier  to  direct  Franklin  to  remain  at  Nantes  ; 
but  since  they  knew  neither  the  time  of  his  depart 
ure  nor  his  route,  the  message  might  not  reach  him. 
Should  he  thus  innocently  arrive  in  Paris  it  would 
be  scandalous,  inhospitable,  and  contrary  to  the 
laws  of  nations  to  send  him  away.1 

But  while  the  English  were  angry,  the  French 
indulged  in  a  furore  of  welcome.  They  made 
feasts  and  hailed  the  American  as  the  friend  of 
human  kind,  as  the  "  ideal  of  a  patriarchal  repub 
lic  and  of  idyllic  simplicity,"  as  a  sage  of  anti 
quity  ;  and  the  exuberant  classicism  of  the  nation 
exhausted  itself  in  glorifying  him  by  comparisons 
with  those  great  names  of  Greece  and  Rome  which 
have  become  symbols  for  all  private  and  public 
virtues.  They  admired  him  because  he  did  not 
wear  a  wig  ;  they  lauded  his  spectacles  ;  they  were 
overcome  with  enthusiasm  as  they  contemplated 
his  great  cap  of  martin  fur,  his  scrupulously  white 
linen,  and  the  quaint  simplicity  of  his  brown 
Quaker  raiment  of  colonial  make.  They  noted 
1  Bale's  Franklin  in  France,  i.  73. 


232  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

with  amazement  that  his  "  only  defense "  was  a 
"  walking-stick  in  his  hand."  The  print-shops  were 
soon  full  of  countless  representations  of  his  noble 
face  and  venerable  figure,'  set  off  by  all  these  pleas 
ing  adjuncts.  The  people  thronged  the  streets  to 
see  him  pass,  and  respectfully  made  way  for  him. 
He  seemed,  as  John  Adams  said  later,  to  enjoy  a 
reputation  "  more  universal  than  that  of  Leibnitz 
or  Newton,  Frederick  or  Voltaire." 

So  soon  as  all  this  uproar  gave  him  time  to  look 
about  him,  he  established  himself  at  Passy,  in  a 
part  of  the  Hotel  de  Valentinois,  which  was  kindly 
placed  at  his  disposal  by  its  owner,  M.  Ray  de  Chau' 
mont.  In  this  at  that  time  retired  suburb  he  hoped 
to  be  able  to  keep  the  inevitable  but  useless  inter 
ruptions  within  endurable  limits.  Not  improbably 
also  he  was  further  influenced,  in  accepting  M. 
Chaumont's  hospitality,  by  a  motive  of  diplomatic 
prudence.  His  shrewdness  and  experience  must 
soon  have  shown  him  that  his  presence  in  Paris,  if 
not  precisely  distasteful  to  the  French  government, 
must  at  least  in  some  degree  compromise  it,  and 
might  by  any  indiscretion  on  his  part  easily  be  made 
to  annoy  and  vex  the  ministers.  It  therefore  be 
hoved  him  to  make  himself  as  little  as  possible  con 
spicuous  in  any  official  or  public  way.  A  rebuke,  a 
cold  reception,  might  do  serious  harm ;  nor  was  it 
politic  to  bring  perplexities  to  those  whose  friend 
ship  he  sought.  He  could  not  avoid,  nor  had  he  any 
reason  to  do  so,  the  social  eclat  with  which  he  was 
greeted ;  but  he  must  shun  the  ostentation  of 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  233 

any  relationship  with  men  in  office.  This  would 
be  more  easily  accomplished  by  living  in  a  quarter 
somewhat  remote  and  suburban.  His  retirement, 
therefore,  while  little  curtailing  his  intercourse  with 
private  society,  evinced  his  good  tact,  and  doubt 
less  helped  his  good  standing  with  the  ministers. 
The  police  record  reports  that,  if  he  saw  them  at 
all,  it  was  secretly  and  under  cover  of  night.  He 
lived  in  comfortable  style,  but  not  showily,  keep 
ing  a  moderate  retinue  of  servants  for  appearance 
as  much  as  for  use,  and  a  carriage,  which  was  in 
dispensable  to  him.  John  Adams  charged  him  with 
undue  luxury  and  extravagance,  but  the  accusation 
was  ridiculous. 

Very  exacting  did  the  business  of  the  American 
envoys  soon  become.  On  December  23, 1776,  they 
wrote  to  acquaint  the  Count  de  Vergennes  that  they 
were  "  appointed  and  fully  empowered  by  the  Con 
gress  of  the  United  States  of  America  to  propose 
and  negotiate  a  treaty  of  arnity  and  commerce  be 
tween  France  and  the  United  States  ; "  and  they 
requested  an  audience  for  the  purpose  of  present 
ing  their  credentials  to  his  excellency.  Five  days 
later  the  audience  was  given  them.  They  explained 
the  desire  of  the  American  colonies  to  enter  into 
a  treaty  of  alliance  and  of  commerce.  They  said 
that  the  colonists  were  anxious  to  get  their  ships, 
now  lying  at  the  home  wharves  laden  with  tobacco 
and  other  products,  out  of  the  American  harbors, 
and  to  give  them  a  chance  to  run  for  France.  But 
the  English  vessels  hovered  thick  up  and  down  the 


234  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

coasts,  and  the  Americans,  though  able  to  take 
care  of  frigates,  could  not  encounter  ships  of  the 
line.  Would  not  France  lend  eight  ships  of  the 
line,  equipped  and  manned,  to  let  loose  all  this 
blockaded  commerce  which  was  ready  to  seek  her 
ports  and  to  fill  the  coffers  of  her  merchants? 
Under  all  the  circumstances  this  was  certainly  ask 
ing  too  much  ;  and  in  due  time  the  envoys  were 
courteously  told  so,  but  were  also  offered  a  strictly 
secret  loan  of  $400,000,  to  be  repaid  after  the  war, 
without  interest. 

It  appears  that  Franklin  had  substantially  no 
concern  in  the  quasi  commercial  transactions  pend 
ing  at  the  time  of  his  arrival  between  Deane  and 
Beaumarchais.  Deane  himself  did  not  know  and 
could  not  disclose  the  details  of  the  relationship 
between  Beaumarchais  and  the  government,  which 
indeed  were  not  explored  and  made  public  until 
more  than  half  a  century  had  elapsed  after  their 
occurrence.  Therefore  Franklin  saw  nothing  more 
than  mercantile  dealings  in  various  stages  of  for 
wardness,  whose  extensive  intricacies  it  did  not 
seem  worth  while  for  him  to  unravel  at  a  cost  of 
much  time  and  labor,  which  could  be  better  ex 
pended  in  other  occupations.1  Deane  held  all  the 
threads,  and  it  seemed  natural  and  proper  to 
leave  this  business  as  his  department.  So  Frank 
lin  never  had  more  than  a  general  knowledge  con 
cerning  this  imbroglio. 

i  Franklin's  Works,  vi.  199,  205  ;  vlii.  153,  183 ;  Rale's  Frank 
hit  in  France,  i.  53. 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  235 

This  leaving  all  to  Deane  might  have  been 
well  enough  had  not  Deane  had  an  implacable 
enemy  in  Arthur  Lee,  who,  for  that  matter, 
resembled  the  devil  in  at  least  one  particular, 
inasmuch  as  he  was  the  foe  of  all  mankind. 
Beaumarchais  early  in  the  proceedings  had  sum 
marily  dropped  Lee  from  his  confidence  and  in 
stated  Deane  in  the  vacancy.  This  was  sufficient 
to  set  Lee  at  once  at  traducing,  an  art  in  which 
long  experience  had  cultivated  natural  aptitude. 
He  saw  great  sums  of  money  being  used,  and  he 
was  not  told  whence  they  came.  But  he  guessed, 
and  upon  his  guess  he  built  up  a  theory  of  finan 
cial  knavery.  Deane  had  repeatedly  assured 
Beaumarchais  that  he  should  receive  the  cargoes 
of  American  produce  with  promptitude,1  and  he  did 
his  best  to  make  these  promises  good,  writing  ur 
gent  letters  to  Congress  to  hasten  forward  the  colo 
nial  merchandise.  But  Arthur  Lee  mischievously 
and  maliciously  blocked  these  perfectly  straightfor 
ward  and  absolutely  necessary  arrangements.  For 
he  had  conceived  the  notion  that  Beaumarchais  was 
an  agent  of  the  French  court,  that  the  supplies 
were  free  gifts  from  the  French  government,  and 
that  any  payments  for  them  to  Hortalez  &  Co.  would 
only  go  to  fill  the  rascal  purses  of  Deane  and  Beau 
marchais,  confederates  in  a  scheme  for  swindling. 
He  had  no  particle  of  evidence  to  sustain  this  no 
tion,  which  was  simply  the  subtle  conception  of  his 
own  bad  mind  ;  but  he  was  not  the  less  positive 
1  Hale's  Franklin  in  France,  i.  45. 


236  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

and  persistent  in  asserting  it  in  his  letters  to  mem 
bers  of  Congress.  Such  accounts  sadly  puzzled 
that  body ;  and  it  may  be  imagined  to  what  a 
further  hopeless  degree  of  bewilderment  this 
gathering  of  American  lawyers  and  tradesmen, 
planters  and  farmers,  must  have  been  reduced  by 
the  extraordinary  letters  of  the  wild  and  fanciful 
Beaumarchais.  The  natural  consequence  was  that 
the  easier  course  was  pursued,  and  no  merchandise 
was  sent  to  Hortalez.  If  affairs  had  not  soon 
taken  a  new  turn  in  France  this  error  might  have 
had  disastrous  consequences  for  the  colonies.  In 
fact,  it  only  ruined  poor  Deane. 

After  this  unfortunate  man  had  been  recalled, 
and  while  he  was  in  great  affliction  at  home  be 
cause  he  could  not  get  his  reputation  cleared 
from  these  Lee  slanders,  being  utterly  unable 
in  America  to  produce  even  such  accounts  and 
evidence  as  might  have  been  had  in  France, 
Franklin  more  than  once  volunteered  to  express 
kindly  and  emphatically  his  entire  belief  in  Deane's 
integrity.  So  late  as  October,  1779,  though  ad 
mitting  his  lack  of  knowledge  concerning  an 
affair  in  which  he  had  "never  meddled,"  he  still 
thought  Deane  "  innocent."  Finally  in  1782,  when 
Deane  had  become  thoroughly  demoralized  by 
his  hard  fate,  Franklin  spoke  of  his  fall  not 
without  a  note  of  sympathy :  "  He  resides  at 
Ghent,  is  distressed  both  in  mind  and  circum 
stances,  raves  and  writes  abundance,  and  I  imagine 
it  will  end  in  his  going  over  to  join  his  friend  Arnold 


MINISTER  TO  fRANCE.  237 

in  England.  I  had  an  exceedingly  good  opinion 
of  him  when  he  acted  with  me,  and  I  believe  he 
was  then  sincere  and  hearty  in  our  cause.  But  he 
is  changed,  and  his  character  ruined  in  his  own 
country  and  in  this,  so  that  I  see  no  other  but  Eng~ 
land  to  which  he  can  now  retire.  He  says  we  owe 
him  about  £12,000  sterling."  *  But  of  this  Franklin 
knew  nothing,  and  proposed  getting  experts  to  ex 
amine  the  accounts.  He  did  know  very  well,  how 
ever,  what  it  was  to  be  accused  by  Arthur  Lee,  and. 
would  condemn  no  man  upon  that  basis  ! 

Yet  the  matter  annoyed  him  greatly.  On  June 
12,  1781,  he  wrote  acknowledging  that  he  was  ab 
solutely  in  the  dark  about  the  whole  business  :  — 

"  In  1776,  being  then  in  Congress,  I  received  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Lee,  acquainting  me  that  M.  Beaumarchais 
had  applied  to  him  in  London,  informing  him  that 
200,000  guineas  had  been  put  into  his  hands,  and  was  at 
the  disposal  of  the  Congress ;  Mr.  Lee  added  that  it  was 
agreed  between  them  that  he,  M.  Beaumarchais,  should 
remit  the  same  in  arms,  ammunition,  etc.,  under  the 
name  of  Hortalez  &  Co.  Several  cargoes  were  accord 
ingly  sent.  Mr.  Lee  understood  this  to  be  a  private  aid 
from  the  government  of  France ;  but  M.  Beaumarchais 
has  since  demanded  from  Congress  payment  of  a  gross 
sum,  as  due  to  him,  and  has  received  a  considerable  part, 
but  has  rendered  no  particular  account.  I  have,  by 
order  of  Congress,  desired  him  to  produce  his  account, 

1  See  also  letter  to  Morris,  March  30,  1782,  Works,  vii.  419  ; 
also  viii.  225.  In  1835  sufficient  evidence  was  discovered  to  in 
duce  Congress  to  pay  to  the  heirs  of  this  unfortunate  man  a  part 
of  the  sum  due  to  him.  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  ii.  362 


238  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

that  we  might  know  exactly  what  we  owed,  and  for 
what ;  and  he  has  several  times  promised  it,  but  has  not 
yet  done  it ;  and  in  his  conversation  he  often  mentions, 
as  I  am  told,  that  we  are  greatly  in  his  debt.  These 
accounts  in  the  air  are  unpleasant,  and  one  is  neither 
safe  nor  easy  under  them.  I  wish,  therefore,  you  could 
help  me  to  obtain  a  settlement  of  them.  It  has  been  said 
that  Mr.  Deane,  unknown  to  his  colleagues,  wrote  to  Con 
gress  in  favor  of  M.  Beaumarchais's  demand  ;  on  which 
Mr.  Lee  accuses  him  of  having,  to  the  prejudice  of  his 
constituents,  negotiated  a  gift  into  a  debt.  At  present  all 
that  transaction  is  in  darkness  ; 1  and  we  know  not  whether 
the  whole,  or  a  part,  or  no  part,  of  the  supplies  he  fur 
nished  were  at  the  expense  of  government,  the  reports 
we  have  had  being  so  inconsistent  and  contradictory  ; 
nor,  if  we  are  in  debt  for  them,  or  any  part  of  them, 
whether  it  is  the  king  or  M.  de  Beaumarchais  who  is 
our  creditor."  2 

What  chiefly  irritated  Congress  against  Deane 
and  led  to  his  recall  was  neither  his  dealings  with 
Beaumarchais  nor  the  slanders  of  Lee,  but  quite 
another  matter,  in  which  he  certainly  showed  much 
lack  of  discretion.  Cargoes  of  arms  and  munitions 
of  war  were  very  welcome  in  the  States,  but  cargoes 
of  French  and  other  European  officers  were  by  no 
means  so.  Yet  the  inconsiderate  Deane  sent  over 
these  enthusiasts  and  adventurers  in  throngs.  The 

1  Light  was  first  let  in  upon  this  darkness  by  Louis  de  Lo- 
me'nie,   in   his    Beaumarchais   et   Son    Temps ;   and  the   story   as 
told  by  him  may  be  read,  in  a  spirited  version,  in  Parton's  Life 
of  Franklin,  chapters  vii.,  viii. 

2  Hale's  Franklin  in  France,  i.  53. 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  239 

outbreak  of  the  rebellion  seemed  to  arouse  a  spirit 
of  martial  pilgrimage  in  Europe,  a  sort  of  crusad 
ing  ardor,  which  seized  the  Frenchmen  especially, 
but  also  some  few  officers  in  other  continental  ar 
mies.  These  all  flocked  to  Paris  and  told  Deane 
that  they  were  burning  to  give  the  insurgent  States 
the  invaluable  assistance  of  their  distinguished  ser 
vices.  Deane  was  little  accustomed  to  the  highly 
appreciative  rhetoric  with  which  the  true  French 
man  frankly  describes  his  own  merit,  and  appar 
ently  accepted  as  correct  the  appraisal  which  these 
warriors  made  of  themselves.  Soon  they  alighted 
in  swarms  upon  the  American  coast,  besieged  the 
doors  of  Congress,  and  mingled  their  importunities 
with  all  the  other  harassments  of  Washington. 
Each  one  of  them  had  his  letter  from  Deane,  re 
citing  the  exaggerated  estimate  of  his  capacity,  and 
worse  still  each  one  was  armed  with  Deane's 
promise  that  he  should  hold  in  the  American  army 
a  rank  one  grade  higher  than  he  had  held  in  his 
home  service.  To  keep  these  unauthorized  pledges 
would  have  resulted  in  the  resignation  of  all  the 
good  American  officers,  and  in  the  utter  disorgani 
zation  of  the  army.  So  the  inevitable  outcome 
was  that  the  disappointed  adventurers  became 
furious  ;  that  Congress,  greatly  annoyed,  went  to 
heavy  expenses  in  sending  them  back  again  to 
Europe,  and  in  giving  some  douceurs,  which  could 
be  ill  afforded  by  the  giver  and  were  quite  insuffi 
cient  to  prevent  the  recipients  from  spreading  at 
home  their  bitter  grudge  against  the  young  repub 
lic.  Altogether  it  was  a  bad  business. 


240  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

No  sooner  was  Franklin's  foot  on  French  soil 
than  the  same  eager  horde  assailed  him.  But  they 
found  a  respondent  very  different  from  Deane. 
Franklin  had  experience.  He  knew  the  world  and 
men  ;  and  now  his  tranquil  judgment  and  firmness 
saved  him  and  the  applicants  alike  from  further 
blunders.  His  appreciation  of  these  fiery  and 
priceless  gallants,  who  so  dazzled  the  simple-minded 
Deane,  is  shown  with  charming  humor  in  his  effort 
to  say  a  kindly  word  for  his  unfortunate  colleague. 
He  did  not  wonder,  he  said,  that  Deane,  — 

"  being  then  a  stranger  to  the  people,  and  unacquainted 
with  the  language,  was  at  first  prevailed  on  to  make 
some  such  agreements,  when  all  were  recommended,  as 
they  always  are,  as  officiers  experiments,  braves  comme 
leurs  epees,-  pleins  de  courage,  de  talent,  et  de  zele 
pour  notre  cause,  etc.,  etc.;  in  short,  mere  Caesars,  each 
of  whom  would  have  been  an  invaluable  acquisition  to 
America.  You  can  have  no  conception  how  we  are  still 
besieged  and  worried  on  this  head,  our  time  cut  to  pieces 
by  personal  applications,  besides  those  contained  in 
dozens  of  letters  by  every  post.  ...  I  hope  therefore 
that  favorable  allowance  will  be  made  to  my  worthy 
colleague  on  account  of  his  situation  at  the  time,  as  he 
has  long  since  corrected  that  mistake,  and  daily  ap 
proves  himself,  to  my  certain  knowledge,  an  able,  faith 
ful,  active,  and  extremely  useful  servant  of  the  public ; 
a  testimony  I  think  it  my  duty  of  taking  this  occasion  to 
make  to  his  merit,  unasked,  as,  considering  my  great  age, 
I  may  probably  not  live  to  give  it  personally  in  Congress, 
and  I  perceive  he  has  enemies." 

But  however  firmly  and  wisely  Franklin  stood 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  241 

out  against  the  storm  of  importunities  he  could  not 
for  a  long  time  moderate  it.  He  continued  to  be 
"  besieged  and  worried,"  and  to  have  his  time 
"  cut  to  pieces ;  "  till  at  last  he  wrote  to  a  friend  : 
"  You  can  have  no  conception  how  I  am  harassed. 
All  my  friends  are  sought  out  and  teased  to  tease 
me.  Great  officers  of  all  ranks,  in  all  departments, 
ladies  great  and  small,  besides  professed  solicitors, 
worry  me  from  morning  to  night.  The  noise  of 
every  coach  now  that  enters  my  court  terrifies  me. 
I  am  afraid  to  accept  an  invitation  to  dine  abroad. 
.  .  .  Luckily  I  do  not  often  in  my  sleep  dream  of 
these  vexatious  situations,  or  I  should  be  afraid  of 
what  are  now  my  only  hours  of  comfort.  .  .  .  For 
God's  sake,  my  dear  friend,  let  this,  your  twenty- 
third  application,  be  your  last." 

His  plain-spoken  replies,  however  harshly  they 
may  have  struck  upon  Gallic  sensitiveness,  at  least 
left  no  room  for  any  one  to  misunderstand  him. 
"  I  know  that  officers,  going  to  America  for  em 
ployment,  will  probably  be  disappointed,"  he  wrote  ; 
"  that  our  armies  are  full ;  that  there  are  a  number 
of  expectants  unemployed  and  starving  for  want 
of  subsistence  ;  that  my  recommendation  will  not 
make  vacancies,  nor  can  it  fill  them  to  the  prejudice 
of  those  who  have  a  better  claim."  He  also  wrote 
to  Washington,  to  whom  the  letter  must  have 
brought  joyous  relief,  that  he  dissuaded  every  one 
from  incurring  the  great  expense  and  hazard  of 
the  long  voyage,  since  there  was  already  an  over- 


242  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

supply  of  officers  and  the  chance   of  employment 
was  extremely  slight.1 

The  severest  dose  which  he  administered  must 
have  made  some  of  those  excitable  swords  quiver 
in  their  scabbards.  He  drew  up  and  used  this 

"  MODEL    OF    A    LETTER  OF  RECOMMENDATION    OF  A  PER 
SON   YOU   ARE   UNACQUAINTED   WITH. 

tl  SIR,  —  The  bearer  of  this,  who  is  going  to  America, 
presses  me  to  give  him  a  letter  of  recommendation, 
though  I  know  nothing  of  him,  not  even  his  name. 
This  may  seem  extraordinary,  but  I  assure  you  it  is  not 
uncommon  here.  Sometimes,  indeed,  one  unknown  per 
son  brings  another  equally  unknown  to  recommend  him  ; 
and  sometimes  they  recommend  one  another  !  As  to 
this  gentleman,  I  must  refer  you  to  himself  for  his  char 
acter  and  merits,  with  which  he  is  certainly  better  ac 
quainted  than  I  can  possibly  be.  I  recommend  him 
however  to  those  civilities,  which  every  stranger,  of 
whom  one  knows  no  harm,  has  a  right  to  ;  and  I  request 
you  will  do  him  all  the  good  offices  and  show  him  all  the 
favor,  that,  on  further  acquaintance,  you  shall  find  him 
to  deserve.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c." 

It  would  be  entertaining  to  know  how  many  of 
these  letters  were  delivered,  and  in  what  phrases  of 

1  As  an  example  of  the  manner  in  which  Franklin  sometimes 
was  driven  to  express  himself,  his  letter  to  M.  Lith  is  admirable. 
This  gentleman  had  evidently  irritated  him  some  what,  and  Frank 
lin  demolished  him  with  a  reply  in  that  plain,  straightforward 
style  of  which  he  was  a  master,  in  which  appeared  no  anger,  but 
sarcasm  of  that  severest  kind  which  lies  in  a  simple  statement  of 
facts.  I  regret  that  there  is  not  space  to  transcribe  it,  but  it  may 
be  read  in  his  Works,  vi.  85. 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  243 

French  courtesy  gratitude  was  expressed  for  them. 
Sometimes,  if  any  one  persisted,  in  spite  of  dis 
couragement,  in  making  the  journey  at  his  own 
cost,  and,  being  forewarned,  also  at  his  own  risk  of 
disappointment,  Franklin  gave  him  a  letter  strictly 
confined  to  the  scope  of  a  civil  personal  introduc 
tion.  Possibly,  now  and  again,  some  useful  officer 
may  have  been  thus  deterred  from  crossing  the 
water  ;  but  any  such  loss  was  compensated  several 
hundredfold  by  shutting  off  the  intolerable  inun 
dation  of  useless  foreigners.  Nor  was  Franklin 
wanting  in  discretion  in  the  matter ;  for  he  com 
mended  Lafayette  and  Steuben  by  letters,  which 
had  real  value  from  the  fact  of  the  extreme  rarity 
of  such  a  warranty  from  this  source. 

Franklin  was  little  given  to  political  prophecy, 
but  it  is  interesting  to  read  a  passage  written 
shortly  after  his  arrival,  May  1, 1777:  — 

"  All  Europe  is  on  our  side  of  the  question,  as  far  as 
applause  and  good  wishes  can  carry  them.  Those  who 
live  under  arbitrary  power  do  nevertheless  approve  of 
liberty,  and  wish  for  it ;  they  almost  despair  of  recover 
ing  it  in  Europe  ;  they  read  the  translations  of  our  sep 
arate  colony  constitutions  with  rapture ;  and  there  are 
such  numbers  everywhere  who  talk  of  removing  to 
America,  with  their  families  and  fortunes,  as  soon  as 
peace  and  our  independence  shall  be  established,  that  it 
is  generally  believed  that  we  shall  have  a  prodigious  ad 
dition  of  strength,  wealth,  and  arts  from  the  emigration 
of  Europe ;  and  it  is  thought  that  to  lessen  or  prevent 
such  emigrations,  the  tyrannies  established  there  must 


244  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

relax,  and  allow  more  liberty  to  their  people.  Hence  it 
is  a  common  observation  here  that  our  cause  is  the  cans", 
of  all  mankind,  and  that  we  are  fighting  for  their  lib 
erty  in  defending  our  own.  It  is  a  glorious  task  as 
signed  us  by  Providence,  which  has,  I  trust,  given  us 
spirit  and  virtue  equal  to  it,  and  will  at  last  crown  it 
with  success." 

The  statesmanship  of  the  time-honored  Euro 
pean  school,  ably  practiced  by  de  Vergennes,  was 
short-sighted  and  blundering  in  comparison  with 
this  broad  appreciation  of  the  real  vastness  and  far- 
reaching  importance  of  that  great  struggle  betwixt 
the  Old  and  the  New. 


CHAPTER  X. 

MINISTER   TO   FRANCE  :    II. 
PRISONERS  :   TROUBLE  WITH  LEE  AND   OTHERS. 

No  sooner  had  the  war  taken  on  an  assured  char 
acter  than  many  quick-eyed  and  adventurous  Amer 
icans,  and  Franklin  among  the  first,  saw  irresisti 
ble  temptation  and  great  opportunity  in  that  enor 
mous  British  commerce  which  whitened  all  the  seas. 
The  colonists  of  that  day,  being  a  seafaring  people 
with  mercantile  instincts,  were  soon  industriously 
engaged  in  the  lucrative  field  of  maritime  captures. 
Franklin  recommended  the  fortifying  of  three  or 
four  harbors  into  which  prizes  could  be  safely  car 
ried.  Nothing  else,  he  said,  would  give  the  new 
nation  "  greater  weight  and  importance  in  the  eyes 
of  the  commercial  states."  Privateering  is  not  al 
ways  described  by  such  complimentary  and  digni 
fied  language,  but  the  practical-minded  rebel  spoke 
well  of  that  which  it  was  so  greatly  to  the  advan 
tage  of  his  countrymen  to  do.  After  arriving  in 
France  he  found  himself  in  a  position  to  advance 
this  business  very  greatly.  Conyngham,  Wickes, 
with  others  only  less  famous,  all  fl£tive  and  gallant 
men  as  ever  trod  a  deck,  took  the  n«J|j^0rHjg  waters 

• V'    SF  ty 


246  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

as  their  chosen  scene  of  action,  and  very  soon  were 
stirring  up  a  commotion  such  as  Englishmen  had 
never  experienced  before.  They  harried  the  high, 
and  more  especially  the  narrow,  seas  with  a  success 
at  least  equal  to  that  of  the  Alabama,  while  some 
of  them  differed  from  Semmes  and  his  compeers  in 
being  as  anxious  to  fight  as  the  Southern  captains 
were  to  avoid  fighting.  Prize  after  prize  they  took 
and  carried  into  port,  or  burned  and  sank  ;  prison 
ers  they  had  more  than  they  knew  what  to  do  with ; 
they  frightened  the  underwriters  so  that  in  Lon 
don  the  insurance  against  capture  ran  up  to  the 
ruinous  premium  of  sixty  per  cent.  The  Lisbon  and 
the  Dutch  packets  fell  victims,  and  insurance  of 
boats  plying  between  Dover  and  Calais  went  to  ten 
per  cent.  Englishmen  began  to  feel  that  England 
was  blockaded !  We  are  not  so  familiar  as  we 
ought  to  be  with  the  interesting  record  of  all  these 
audacious  and  brilliant  enterprises,  conducted  with 
dare-devil  recklessness  by  men  who  would  not  im 
probably  have  been  hanged  both  as  pirates  and  as 
traitors,  had  fortune  led  to  their  capture  at  this  mo 
ment  of  British  rage  and  anxiety.1 

All  this  cruising  was  conducted  under  the  au 
spices  of  Franklin.  To  him  these  gallant  rovers 
looked  for  instructions  and  suggestions,  for  money 
and  supplies.  He  had  to  issue  commissions,  to  set 
tle  personal  misunderstandings,  to  attend  to  ques 
tions  of  prize  money,  to  soothe  unpaid  mutineers, 
to  advise  as  to  the  purchase  of  ships,  and  as  to  the 

1  In  fact,  Conyngham,  being  at  last  captured,  narrowly  escaped 
this  fate. 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  247 

enterprises  to  be  undertaken ;  in  a  word,  he  was 
the  only  American  government  which  these  inde 
pendent  sailors  knew.  The  tax  thus  laid  upon  him 
was  severe,  for  he  was  absolutely  without  experience 
in  such  matters. 

There  was  one  labor,  however,  in  this  connection, 
which  properly  fell  within  his  department,  and  in 
this  his  privateersmen  gave  him  abundant  occupa 
tion.  It  was  to  stand  between  them  and  the  just 
wrath  and  fatal  interference  of  the  French  govern 
ment.  Crude  as  international  law  was  in  those 
days,  it  was  far  from  being  crude  enough  for  the 
strictly  illegitimate  purposes  of  these  vikings. 
What  they  expected  was  to  buy,  equip,  man,  and 
supply  their  vessels  in  French  ports,  to  sail  out  on 
their  prize-taking  excursions,  and,  having  captured 
their  fill,  to  return  to  these  same  ports,  and  there 
to  have  their  prizes  condemned,  to  sell  their  booty, 
to  refit  and  re-supply,  and  then  to  sally  forth  again. 
In  short,  an  Englishman  would  have  been  puzzled 
to  distinguish  a  difference  between  the  warlike 
ports  of  America  and  the  neutral  ports  of  France, 
save  as  he  saw  that  the  latter,  being  nearer,  were 
much  the  more  injurious.  But  de  Vergennes  had 
no  notion  of  being  used  for  American  purposes  in 
this  jeopardizing  style.  He  did  not  mean  to  have 
a  war  with  England,  if  he  could  avoid  it ;  so  he  gave 
to  the  harbor  masters  orders  which  greatly  annoyed 
»and  surprised  the  American  captains,  "extraor 
dinary  "  orders,  as  these  somewhat  uninstructed 
sea-dogs  described  them  in  their  complaining  letters 


248  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

to  Franklin.  They  thought  it  an  outrage  that  the 
French  minister  should  refuse  to  have  English 
prizes  condemned  within  French  jurisdiction,  and 
that  he  should  not  allow  them  to  refit  and  to  take 
on  board  cannon  and  ammunition  at  Nantes  or 
Kochelle.  They  called  upon  Franklin  to  check 
these  intolerable  proceedings.  Their  audacious  and 
boundless  insolence  is  very  entertaining  to  read, 
with  the  memory  of  "  Alabama  outrages  "  fresh  in 
mind. 

Franklin  knew,  just  as  well  as  de  Vergennes 
did,  that  the  French  ministry  was  all  the  time  fa 
voring  the  privateersmen  and  cruisers  far  beyond 
the  law,  and  that  it  was  ready  to  resort  to  as  many 
devices  as  ingenuity  could  concoct  for  that  purpose ; 
also  that  the  Americans  by  their  behavior  persist 
ently  violated  all  reason  and  neutral  toleration. 
Nevertheless  he  stood  gallantly  by  his  own,  and  in 
one  case  after  another  he  kept  corresponding  with 
de  Vergennes  under  pretense  of  correcting  misrepre 
sentations,  presenting  requests,  and  arguing  points, 
until,  by  the  time  thus  gained,  the  end  was  achieved. 
The  truth  was  that  Franklin's  duty  was  to  get  from 
France  just  as  much  aid,  direct  and  indirect,  as 
could  be  either  begged  or  filched  from  her.  Such 
orders  could  not  be  written  down  in  plain  words  in 
his  instructions,  but  none  the  less  they  lurked  there 
not  illegible  to  him  among  the  lines.  He  obeyed 
them  diligently.  France  was  willing  to  go  fully  as 
far  as  she  could  with  safety  ;  his  function  was  to 
push,  to  pull,  to  entice,  even  to  mislead,  in  order  to 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  249 

make  her  go  farther.  Perhaps  it  was  a  fair  game  ; 
France  had  her  interest  to  see  Great  Britain  dis 
membered  and  weakened,  but  not  herself  to  fight 
other  people's  battles  ;  the  colonies  had  their  inter 
est  to  get  France  into  the  fight  if  they  possibly 
could.  It  was  a  strictly  selfish  interest,  and  was 
pursued  almost  shamelessly.  The  colonial  policy 
and  the  details  of  its  execution  are  defensible  sim 
ply  on  the  basis  that  all  nations  in  their  dealings 
with  each  other  are  always  utterly  selfish  and  gen 
erally  utterly  unscrupulous.  By  and  by,  when  it 
comes  to  the  treating  for  peace  between  England 
and  the  colonies,  we  shall  find  de  Vergennes  much 
reviled  because  he  pursued  exclusively  French  in 
terests  ;  but  it  will  be  only  fair  to  reflect  that  little 
more  can  be  charged  against  him  than  that  he  was 
pla.ying  the  game  with  cards  drawn  from  the  same 
pack  which  the  Americans  had  used  in  these 
earlier  days  of  the  war. 

A  matter  which  grew  out  of  privateering  gave 
Franklin  much  trouble.  The  American  captains, 
who  were  cruising  on  the  European  side  of  the  At 
lantic  prior  to  the  treaty  of  alliance  with  France, 
had  no  place  in  which  to  deposit  their  prisoners. 
They  could  not  often  send  them  to  the  States,  nei 
ther  of  course  could  they  accumulate  them  on  board 
their  ships,  nor  yet  store  them,  so  to  speak,  in  France 
and  Spain  ;  for  undeveloped  as  were  the  rules  of 
neutrality  they  at  least  forbade  the  use  of  neutral 
prisons  for  the  keeping  of  English  prisoners  of  war 


250  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

in  time  of  peace.  Meanwhile  the  colonial  captives, 
in  confinement  just  across  the  Channel,  in  the  pris 
ons  at  Plymouth  and  Portsmouth,  were  subjected  to 
very  harsh  treatment ;  and  others  were  even  being 
sent  to  the  fort  of  Senegal  on  the  coast  of  Africa, 
and  to  the  East  Indies,  whence  they  could  not  hope 
ever  to  regain  their  homes.  Franklin  immediately 
resolved,  if  possible,  to  utilize  these  assets  in  the 
shape  of  English  sailors  in  the  usual  course  of  ex 
change.  A  letter  was  accordingly  addressed  by 
him  to  Lord  Stormont,  asking  whether  it  would  be 
worth  while  to  approach  the  British  court  with  an 
offer  to  exchange  one  hundred  English  prisoners 
in  the  hands  of  the  captain  of  the  Reprisal  for  a 
like  number  of  American  sailors  from  the  English 
prisons.  The  note  was  a  simple  interrogatory  in 
proper  form  of  civility.  No  answer  was  received. 
After  a  while  a  second  letter  was  prepared,  less 
formal,  more  forcible  in  statement  and  argument, 
and  in  the  appeal  to  good  sense  and  decent  good 
feeling.  This  elicited  from  his  lordship  a  brief 
response :  "  The  king's  ambassador  receives  no  ap 
plications  from  rebels,  unless  they  come  to  implore 
his  majesty's  mercy."  The  commissioners  indig 
nantly  rejoined  :  "  In  answer  to  a  letter  which  con 
cerns  some  of  the  most  material  interests  of  human 
ity,  and  of  the  two  nations,  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  of  America,  now  at  war,  we  received 
the  inclosed  indecent  paper,  as  coming  from  your 
lordship,  which  we  return  for  your  lordship's  more 
mature  consideration." 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  251 

The  technical  position  of  the  English  in  this 
business  was  that  the  captured  Americans  were 
not  prisoners  of  war,  but  traitors.  Their  prac 
tical  position  was  that  captains  of  American  pri 
vateers,  not  finding  it  a  physical  possibility  to  keep 
their  prisoners,,  would  erelong  be  obliged  to  let 
them  go  without  exchange.  This  anticipation 
turned  out  to  be  correct,  and  so  far  justified  their 
refusal ;  for  soon  some  five  hundred  English  sail 
ors  got  their  freedom  as  a  necessity,  without  any 
compensatory  freeing  of  Americans.  Each  of  them 
gave  a  solemn  promise  in  writing  to  obtain  the 
release  of  an  American  prisoner  in  return  ;  but 
he  had  as  much  authority  to  hand  over  the  Tower 
of  London,  and  the  British  government  was  not 
so  romantically  chivalrous  as  to  recognize  pledges 
entered  into  by  foremast  hands. 

All  sorts  of  stories  continued  to  reach  Franklin's 
ears  as  to  the  cruelty  which  his  imprisoned  coun 
trymen  had  to  endure.  He  heard  that  they  were 
penniless  and  could  get  no  petty  comforts;  that 
they  suffered  from  cold  and  hunger,  and  were  sub 
jected  to  personal  indignities  ;  that  they  were  not 
allowed  to  read  a  newspaper  or  to  write  a  letter  ; 
that  they  were  all  committed  by  a  magistrate  on  a 
charge  of  high  treason,  and  were  never  allowed  to 
forget  their  probable  fate  on  the  gibbet ;  that  some 
of  them,  as  has  been  said,  were  deported  to  dis 
tant  and  unwholesome  English  possessions.  For 
the  truth  of  these  accounts  it  is  not  necessary  to  be 
lieve  that  the  English  government  was  intentionally 


252  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

brutal ;  but  it  was  neglectful  and  indifferent,  and 
those  who  had  prisoners  in  charge  felt  assured  that 
no  sympathy  for  rebels  would  induce  an  investiga 
tion  .into  peculations  or  unfeeling  behavior.  More 
over  there  was  a  deliberate  design,  by  terror  and 
discouragement,  to  break  the  spirit  of  the  so-called 
traitors  and  persuade  them  to  become  real  traitors 
by  entering  the  English  service. 

By  all  these  tales  Franklin's  zeal  in  the  matter 
of  exchange  was  greatly  stimulated.  His  humane 
soul  revolted  at  keeping  men  who  were  not  crimi 
nals  locked  up  in  wasting  misery,  when  they  might 
be  set  free  upon  terms  of  perfect  equality  between 
the  contending  parties.  Throughout  his  corre 
spondence  on  this  subject  there  is  a  magnanimity, 
a  humanity,  a  spirit  of  honesty  and  even  of  honor 
so  extraordinary,  or  actually  unique,  in  dealings  be 
tween  diplomats  and  nations,  that  the  temptation 
is  irresistible  to  give  a  fuller  narrative  than  the  in 
trinsic  importance  of  the  subject  would  warrant. 
For  after  all  there  were  never  many  English  pris 
oners  in  France  to  be  exchanged  ;  after  a  while 
they  might  be  counted  by  hundreds,  but  perhaps 
they  never  rose  to  a  total  of  one  thousand. 

There  was  at  this  time  in  England  a  man  to 
whose  memory  Americans  ought  to  erect  statues. 
This  was  David  Hartley.  He  was  a  gentleman  of 
the  most  liberal  and  generous  sentiments,  an  old 
and  valued  friend  of  Franklin,  member  of  Parlia 
ment  for  Hull,  allied  with  the  opposition  in  this 
matter  of  the  American  war,  but  personally  on 


MINISTER    TO  FRANCE.  253 

good  terms  with  Lord  North.  He  had  not  very 
great  ability  ;  he  wrote  long  letters,  somewhat  sur 
charged  with  morality  and  good-feeling.  One  would 
expect  to  hear  that  he  was  on  terms  of  admiring 
intimacy  with  his  contemporary,  the  good  Mrs. 
Barbauld.  But  he  had  those  opportunities  which 
come  only  to  men  whose  excellence  of  character 
and  purity  of  motive  place  them  above  suspicion,  — 
opportunities  which  might  have  been  shut  off  from 
an  abler  man,  and  which  he  now  used  with  untir 
ing  zeal  and  much  efficiency  in  behalf  of  the 
American  prisoners.  Lord  North  did  not  hesitate 
to  permit  him  to  correspond  with  Franklin,  and  he 
long  acted  as  a  medium  of  communication  more 
serviceable  than  Lord  Stormont  had  been.  Further 
more  Hartley  served  as  almoner  to  the  poor  fellows, 
and  pushed  a  private  subscription  in  England  to 
raise  funds  for  securing  to  them  reasonable  com 
forts.  There  were  responsive  hearts  and  purses, 
even  for  rebels,  among  his  majesty's  subjects,  and 
a  considerable  sum  was  collected. 

Franklin's  first  letter  to  Hartley  on  this  subject, 
October  14,  1777,  has  something  of  bitterness  in 
its  tone,  with  much  deep  feeling  for  his  country 
men,  whose  reputed  woes  he  narrates.  "  I  can  as 
sure  you,"  he  adds,  "  from  my  certain  knowledge, 
that  your  people,  prisoners  in  America,  have  been 
treated  with  great  kindness,  having  had  the  same 
rations  of  wholesome  provisions  as  our  own  troops," 
"  comfortable  lodgings"  in  healthy  villages,  with 
liberty  "  to  walk  and  amuse  themselves  on  their 


254  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

parole."  "  Where  you  have  thought  fit  to  employ 
contractors  to  supply  your  people,  these  contractors 
have  been  protected  and  aided  in  their  operations. 
Some  considerable  act  of  kindness  towards  our 
people  would  take  off  the  reproach  of  inhumanity  in 
that  respect  from  the  nation  and  leave  it  where  it 
ought  with  more  certainty  to  lie,  on  the  conductors 
of  your  war  in  America.  This  I  hint  to  you  out  of 
some  remaining  good  will  to  a  nation  I  once  loved 
sincerely.  But  as  things  are,  and  in  my  present 
temper  of  mind,  not  being  over-fond  of  receiving 
obligations,  I  shall  content  myself  with  proposing 
that  your  government  should  allow  us  to  send  or 
employ  a  commissary  to  take  some  care  of  those 
unfortunate  people.  Perhaps  on  your  representa 
tions  this  might  be  obtained  in  England,  though  it 
was  refused  most  inhumanly  at  New  York." 

In  December  following  he  had  arranged  with 
Major  Thornton,  "  who  appears  a  man  of  human 
ity,"  to  visit  the  prisons  and  give  relief  to  the 
prisoners,  and  he  hopes  that  Thornton  "  may  ob 
tain  permission  for  that  purpose."  "  I  have  wished," 
he  added,  "  that  some  voluntary  act  of  compassion 
on  the  part  of  your  government  towards  those  in 
your  power  had  appeared  in  abating  the  rigors  of 
their  confinement,  and  relieving  their  pressing  ne 
cessities,  as  such  generosity  towards  enemies  has 
naturally  an  effect  in  softening  and  abating  ani 
mosity  in  their  compatriots,  and  disposing  to  recon 
ciliation."  Of  such  unconventional  humanity  was 
he! 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  255 

Hartley  met  Franklin's  ardent  appeals  with  re 
sponsive  ardor.  May  29,  1778,  he  writes  that  he 
will  press  the  point  of  exchange  as  much  as  he  can, 
"  which  in  truth,"  he  says,  "  I  have  done  many 
times  since  I  saw  you ;  but  official  departments 
move  slowly  here.  A  promise  of  five  months  is 
yet  unperformed."  But  a  few  days  later,  June  5, 
he  is  "  authorized  "  to  propose  that  Franklin  should 
send  to  him  "  the  number  and  rank  of  the  prison 
ers,  upon  which  an  equal  number  shall  be  prepared 
upon  this  side  for  the  exchange."  Franklin  at 
once  demanded  lists  from  his  captains,  and  replied 
to  Hartley  :  "  We  desire  and  expect  that  the  num 
ber  of  ours  shall  be  taken  from  Forton  and  Ply 
mouth,  in  proportion  to  the  number  in  each  place, 
and  to  consist  of  those  who  have  been  longest  in 
confinement."  He  then  made  this  extraordinary 
suggestion :  "  If  you  think  proper  to  clear  all  your 
prisoners  at  once,  and  give  us  all  our  people,  we 
give  you  our  solemn  engagement,  which  we  are 
sure  will  be  punctually  executed,  to  deliver  to  Lord 
Howe  in  America,  or  to  his  order,  a  number  of 
your  sailors  equal  to  the  surplus,  as  soon  as  the 
agreement  arrives  there."  It  is  easy  to  fancy  a 
British  minister  thrusting  his  tongue  into  his  cheek 
as  this  simple-minded  proposal  of  the  plain-dealing 
colonist  was  read  to  him.  The  only  occasion  on 
which  Franklin  showed  ignorance  of  diplomacy 
was  in  assuming,  in  this  matter  of  the  prisoners, 
that  honesty  and  honor  were  bases  of  dealing  be 
tween  public  officials  in  international  matters. 


256  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

He  suggested  also  retaining  a  distinction  be 
tween  sailors  of  the  navy  and  of  the  commercial 
marine.  After  repeated  applications  to  the  Board 
of  Admiralty,  Hartley  was  only  able  to  reply  to 
all  Franklin's  proposals  that  no  distinction  could 
be  made  between  the  naval  and  merchant  services, 
because  all  the  Americans  were  "  detained  under 
commitments  from  some  magistrate,  as  for  high 
treason.' * 

July  13,  1778,  Franklin  remitted  to  Hartley  the 
lists  of  English  prisoners.  September  14  he  re 
curs  again  to  the  general  release  :  "  You  have  not 
mentioned  whether  the  proposition  of  sending  us 
the  whole  of  those  in  your  prisons  was  agreed  to. 
If  it  is,  you  may  rely  on  our  sending  immediately 
all  that  come  to  our  hands  for  the  future  ;  or  we 
will  give  you,  [at]  your  option,  an  order  for  the 
balance  to  be  delivered  to  your  fleet  in  America. 
By  putting  a  little  confidence  in  one  another,  we 
may  thus  diminish  the  miseries  of  war."  Five 
days  later  he  took  a  still  more  romantic  position : 
heretofore,  he  said,  the  American  commissioners 
had  encouraged  and  aided  the  American  prisoners 
to  try  to  escape ;  "  but  if  the  British  government 
should  honorably  keep  their  agreement  to  make 
regular  exchanges,  we  shall  not  think  it  consistent 
with  the  honor  of  the  United  States  to  encourage 
such  escapes,  or  to  give  any  assistance  to  such  as 
shall  escape." 

Yet  at  the  same  time  he  showed  himself  fully 
able  to  conduct  business  according  to  the  usual 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  257 

commonplace  method.  This  same  letter  closes 
with  a  threat  under  the  lex  talionis :  "  We  have 
now  obtained  permission  of  this  government  to  put 
all  British  prisoners,  whether  taken  by  continental 
frigates  or  by  privateers,  into  the  king's  prisons  ; 
and  we  are  determined  to  treat  such  prisoners  pre 
cisely  as  our  countrymen  are  treated  in  England, 
to  give  them  the  same  allowance  of  provisions  and 
accommodations,  and  no  other."  He  was  long 
obliged  to  reiterate  the  like  menaces.1 

October  20,  1778,  he  reverts  to  his  favorite  pro 
ject  :  "  I  wish  their  lordships  could  have  seen  it 
well  to  exchange  upon  account ;  but  though  they 
may  not  think  it  safe  trusting  to  us,  we  shall  make 
no  difficulty  in  trusting  to  them  ; "  and  he  proposes 
that,  if  the  English  will  "  send  us  over  250  of  our 
people,  we  will  deliver  all  we  have  in  France  ; " 
if  these  be  less  than  two  hundred  and  fifty,  the 
English  may  take  back  the  surplus  Americans ; 
but  if  these  be  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty, 
Franklin  says  that  he  will  nevertheless  deliver 
them  all  in  expectation  that  he  will  receive  back 
an  equivalent  for  the  surplus.  "  We  would  thus 
wish  to  commence,  by  this  first  advance,  that  mut 
ual  confidence  which  it  would  be  for  the  good  of 
mankind  that  nations  should  maintain  honorably 
with  each  other,  tho'  engaged  in  war." 

November  19,  1778,  nothing  has  been  achieved, 
and  he  gets  impatient :  "  I  have  heard  nothing 
from  you  lately  concerning  the  exchange  of  the 

1  Bale's  Franklin  in  France,  i.  352. 


258  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

prisoners.  Is  that  affair  dropt  ?  Winter  is  com 
ing  on  apace."  January  25,  1779  :  "I  a  long  time 
believed  that  your  government  were  in  earnest  in 
agreeing  to  an  exchange  of  prisoners.  I  begin 
now  to  think  I  was  mistaken.  It  seems  they  can 
not  give  up  the  pleasing  idea  of  having  at  the  end 
of  the  war  1,000  Americans  to  hang  for  high  trea 
son."  Poor  Hartley  had  been  working  with  all 
the  energy  of  a  good  man  in  a  good  cause  ;  but  he 
was  in  the  painful  position  of  having  no  excuse  to 
offer  for  the  backwardness  of  his  government. 

February  22,  1779,  brought  more  reproaches 
from  Franklin.  Months  had  elapsed  since  he  had 
heard  that  the  cartel  ship  was  prepared  to  cross 
the  Channel,  but  she  had  never  come.  He  feared 
that  he  had  been  "  deceived  or  trifled  with,"  and 
proposed  sending  Edward  Bancroft  on  a  special 
mission  to  England,  if  a  safe  conduct  could  be  pro 
cured.  At  last,  on  March  30,  Hartley  had  the 
pleasure  of  announcing  that  the  exchange  ship  had 
"  sailed  the  25th  instant  from  Plymouth."  Frank 
lin  soon  replied  that  the  transaction  was  completed, 
and  gave  well  -  earned  thanks  to  Hartley  for  his 
"  unwearied  pains  in  that  affair." 

Thus  after  infinite  difficulty  the  English  govern 
ment  had  been  pushed  into  conformity  with  the 
ordinary  customs  of  war  among  civilized  nations. 
Yet  subsequent  exchanges  seem  to  have  been  ef 
fected  only  after  every  possible  obstacle  had  been 
contumaciously  thrown  in  the  way  by  the  English 
and  patiently  removed  by  Franklin.  The  Aineri- 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  259 

cans  were  driven  to  various  devices.  The  captains 
sometimes  released  their  prisoners  at  sea  upon  the 
written  parole  of  each  either  to  secure  the  return  of 
an  American,  or  to  surrender  himself  to  Franklin  in 
France.  In  November,  1781,  Franklin  had  about 
five  hundred  of  these  documents,  "  not  one  of 
which,"  he  says,  "  has  been  regarded,  so  little  faith 
and  honor  remain  in  that  corrupted  nation."  At 
last,  after  France  and  Spain  had  joined  in  the  war, 
Franklin  arranged  that  the  American  captors  might 
lodge  their  prisoners  in  French  and  Spanish  prisons. 
Under  flags  of  truce  two  cargoes  of  English 
sailors  were  dispatched  from  Boston  to  England ; 
but  the  English  refused  to  reciprocate.  "  There  is 
no  getting  anything  from  these  barbarians,"  said 
Franklin,  "  by  advances  of  civility  or  humanity." 
Then  much  trouble  arose  because  the  French  bor 
rowed  from  Franklin  some  English  prisoners  for 
exchange  in  Holland,  and  returned  to  him  a  like 
number  a  little  too  late  for  delivery  on  board  the 
cartel  ship,  which  had  brought  over  one  hundred 
Americans.  Thereupon  the  Englishmen  charged 
Franklin  with  "  breach  of  faith,"  and  with  "  deceiv 
ing  the  Board,"  and  put  a  stop  to  further  exchang 
ing.  This  matter  was,  of  course,  set  right  in  time. 
But  the  next  point  made  by  the  admiralty  was  that 
they  would  make  no  exchanges  with  Franklin  ex 
cept  for  English  sailors  taken  by  American  cruis 
ers,  thus  excluding  captives  taken  by  the  privateers- 
men.  Franklin,  much  angered  at  the  thwarting  of 
his  humane  and  reasonable  scheme,  said  that  they 


260  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

had  "  given  up  all  pretensions  to  equity  and  honor." 
In  his  disappointment  he  went  a  little  too  far ;  if 
he  had  said  "  liberality  and  humanity  "  instead  of 
"  equity  and  honor  "  he  would  have  kept  within 
literal  truth.  To  meet  this  last  action  on  the  part 
of  England  he  suggested  to  Congress  :  "  Whether 
it  may  not  be  well  to  set  apart  500  or  600  English 
prisoners,  and  refuse  them  all  exchange  in  America, 
but  for  our  countrymen  now  confined  in  England  ?  " 

Another  thing  which  vexed  him  later  was  that 
the  English  government  would  not  give  the  Ameri 
cans  an  "  equal  allowance  "  with  the  French  and 
Spanish  prisoners.  He  suggested  retaliation  upon 
a  certain  number  of  English  prisoners  in  America. 
He  himself  was  constantly  remitting  money  to  be 
distributed  to  the  American  prisoners,  at  the  rate 
of  one  shilling  apiece  each  week.  But  he  had 
the  pain  to  hear  that  the  wretched  fellow,  one 
Digges,  to  whom  he  sent  the  funds,  embezzled 
much  of  them.  "  If  such  a  fellow  is  not  damned," 
he  said,  "it  is  not  worth  while  to  keep  a  devil." 
One  prisoner  of  distinction,  Colonel  Laurens,  cap 
tured  on  his  way  to  France,  complained  that  Frank 
lin  did  not  show  sufficient  zeal  in  his  behalf.  But 
he  made  the  assertion  in  ignorance  of  Franklin's 
efforts,  which  for  a  long  while  Franklin  had  reason 
to  believe  had  been  successful  in  securing  kind  and 
liberal  treatment  for  this  captive. 

In  all  this  business  Franklin  ought  to  have  re 
ceived  efficient  assistance  from  Thomas  Morris, 
who  held  the  position  of  commercial  agent  for  the 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  261 

States  at  Nantes,  and  who  might  properly  have  ex 
tended  his  functions  to  include  so  much  of  the 
naval  business  as  required  personal  attention  at 
that  port.  But  he  turned  out  to  be  a  drunken  ras 
cal,  active  only  in  mischief.  Thereupon,  early  in 
1777,  Franklin  employed  a  nephew  of  his  own  from 
Boston,  Jonathan  Williams,  not  to  supersede  Mor 
ris  in  the  commercial  department,  but  to  take 
charge  of  the  strictly  naval  affairs,  which  were  con 
strued  to  include  all  matters  pertaining  to  war 
ships,  privateers,  and  prizes.  This  action  became 
the  source  of  much  trouble.  It  was  a  case  of  nepo 
tism,  of  course,  which  was  unfortunate ;  yet  there 
was  an  absolute  necessity  to  engage  some  one  for 
these  duties,  and  there  was  scant  opportunity  for 
choice.  During  the  year  that  Williams  held  the 
office  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  he  did  not 
prove  himself  both  efficient  and  honest.  Robert 
Morris,  however,  whose  brother  Thomas  was,  and 
who  had  obtained  for  him  the  commercial  office, 
was  much  offended,  and  it  was  not  until  in  the 
course  of  time  he  received  masses  of  indisputable 
evidence  of  his  brother's  worthlessness,  that  he  was 
placated.  Then  at  length  he  wrote  a  frank,  pa 
thetic  letter,  in  which  he  acknowledged  that  he  had 
been  misled  by  natural  affection,  and  that  his  re 
sentment  had  been  a  mistake. 

Arthur  Lee  also  poured  the  destructive  torrent 
of  his  malignant  wrath  over  the  ill-starred  Wil 
liams.  For  William  Lee  pretended  to  find  his 
province  and  his  profits  also  trenched  upon.  The 


262  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

facts  were  that  he  was  appointed  to  the  commercial 
agency  jointly  with  Thomas  Morris ;  but  shortly 
afterward  he  was  promoted  to  the  diplomatic  ser 
vice,  and  left  Nantes  for  a  permanent  stay  in 
Paris.  He  did  not  formally  vacate  his  agency,  but 
practically  he  abandoned  it  by  rendering  himself 
unable  to  attend  to  its  duties.  So  even  if  by  any 
construction  he  could  have  established  a  show  of 
right  to  conduct  the  naval  business,  at  least  he 
never  was  on  hand  to  do  so.  These  considerations, 
however,  did  not  in  the  least  mitigate  the  rage  of 
the  Lee  brethren,  who  now  brought  a  great  variety 
of  charges.  Franklin,  they  said,  had  no  authority 
to  make  the  appointment,  and  Williams  was  a 
knave  engaged  in  a  scandalous  partnership  with 
Deane  to  make  money  dishonestly  out  of  the  pub 
lic  business,  especially  the  prizes.  The  quarrel 
continued  unabated  when  John  Adams  arrived, 
in  1778,  as  joint  commissioner  with  Franklin  and 
Arthur  Lee.  At  once  the  active  Lee  besieged  the 
ear  of  the  new-comer  with  all  his  criminations ;  and 
he  must  have  found  a  ready  listener,  for  so  soon  as 
the  fourth  day  after  his  arrival  Adams  felt  himself 
sufficiently  informed  to  take  what  was  practically 
judicial  action  in  the  matter.  He  declared  upon 
Lee's  side.  The  two  then  signed  an  order  for  Wil- 
liams's  dismissal,  and  presented  it  to  Franklin.  It 
was  discourteous  if  not  insulting  behavior  to  an  old 
man  and  the  senior  commissioner;  but  Franklin 
wisely  said  not  a  word,  and  added  his  signature  to 
those  of  his  colleagues.  The  rest  of  the  story  is 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  263 

the  familiar  one  of  many  cases :  the  agent  made 
repeated  demands  for  the  appointment  of  an  ac 
countant  to  examine  his  accounts,  and  Franklin 
often  and  very  urgently  preferred  the  same  request. 
But  the  busy  Congress  would  not  bother  itself  ever 
so  little  with  a  matter  no  longer  of  any  practi 
cal  moment.  Lee's  charges  remained  unrefuted, 
though  not  a  shadow  of  justifiable  suspicion  rested 
upon  Franklin's  unfortunate  nephew. 


CHAPTER  XL 

MINISTER   TO   FRANCE:   III. 
TREATY   WITH    FRANCE:    MORE    QUARRELS. 

THE  enthusiastic  reception  of  Franklin  in 
France  was  responded  to  by  him  with  a  bearing  so 
cheerful  and  words  so  encouraging  that  all  the 
auguries  for  America  seemed  for  a  while  of  the 
best.  For  he  was  sanguine  by  nature,  by  resolu 
tion,  and  by  policy  ;  and  his  way  of  alluring  good 
fortune  was  to  welcome  it  in  advance.  But  in  fact 
there  were  clouds  enough  floating  in  the  sky,  and 
soon  they  expanded  and  obscured  the  transitory 
brightness.  Communication  between  the  two  con 
tinents  was  extremely  slow ;  throughout  the  war  in 
tervals  occurred  when  for  long  and  weary  months 
no  more  trustworthy  news  reached  Paris  than  the 
rumors  which  got  their  coloring  by  filtration  through 
Great  Britain.  Thus  in  the  dread  year  of  1777, 
there  traveled  across  the  Channel  tales  that  Wash 
ington  was  conducting  the  remnant  of  his  forces  in 
a  demoralized  retreat ;  that  Philadelphia  had  fallen 
before  Howe ;  that  Burgoyne,  with  a  fine  army,  was 
moving  to  bisect  the  insurgent  colonies  from  the 
north.  It  was  very  well  for  Franklin,  when  told 
that  Howe  had  taken  Philadelphia,  to  reply :  "  No, 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.  265 

sir :  Philadelphia  has  taken  Howe."  The  jest 
may  have  relieved  the  stress  of  his  mind,  as  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  used  often  to  relieve  his  own  over 
taxed  endurance  in  the  same  way.  But  the  unde 
niable  truth  was  that  it  looked  much  as  if  the  affair, 
to  use  Franklin's  words,  would  prove  to  be  a  "  re 
bellion  "  and  not  a  "  revolution."  Still,  any  mis 
givings  which  he  may  have  inwardly  felt  found  no 
expression,  and  to  no  one  would  he  admit  the  pos 
sibility  of  such  an  ultimate  outcome.  Late  in  the 
autumn  of  this  dismal  year  he  wrote  :  — 

"  You  desire  to  know  my  opinion  of  what  will  prob 
ably  be  the  end  of  this  war,  and  whether  our  new  estab 
lishments  will  not  be  thereby  again  reduced  to  deserts.  I 
do  not,  for  my  part,  apprehend  much  danger  of  so  great 
an  evil  to  us.  I  think  we  shall  be  able,  with  a  little 
help,  to  defend  ourselves,  our  possessions,  and  our  liber 
ties  so  long  that  England  will  be  ruined  by  persisting  in 
the  wicked  attempt  to  destroy  them.  .  .  .  And  I  some 
times  flatter  myself  that,  old  as  I  am,  I  may  possibly 
live  to  see  my  country  settled  in  peace,  when  Britain 
shall  make  no  more  a  formidable  figure  among  the 
powers  of  Europe." 

But  though  Franklin  might  thus  refuse  to  de 
spair  for  his  country,  the  French  ministry  were  not 
to  be  blamed  if  they  betrayed  an  increased  reserve 
in  their  communications  with  men  who  might  soon 
prove  to  be  traitors  instead  of  ambassadors,  and  if 
they  were  careful  to  stop  short  of  actually  bringing 
on  a  war  with  England.  It  was  an  anxious  period 
for  Franklin  when  the  days  wore  slowly  into 


266  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

months  and  the  months  lengthened  almost  into  a 
year,  during  which  he  had  no  trustworthy  informa 
tion  as  to  all  the  ominous  news  which  the  English 
papers  and  letters  brought. 

In  this  crisis  of  military  affairs  the  anxious  en 
voys  felt  that  the  awful  burden  of  their  country's 
salvation  not  improbably  rested  upon  them.  If 
they  could  induce  France  to  come  to  the  rescue,  all 
would  be  well ;  if  they  could  not,  the  worst  might 
be  feared.  Yet  in  this  mortal  jeopardy  they  saw 
France  growing  more  guarded  in  her  conduct,  while 
in  vain  they  asked  themselves,  in  an  agony,  what 
influence  it  was  possible  for  them  to  exert.  At  the 
close  of  November,  1777,  they  conferred  upon  the 
matter.  Mr.  Deane  was  in  favor  of  demanding 
from  the  French  court  a  direct  answer  to  the  ques 
tion,  whether  or  not  France  would  come  openly  to 
the  aid  of  the  colonies ;  and  he  advised  that  de 
Vergennes  should  be  distinctly  told  that,  if  France 
should  decline,  the  colonies  would  be  obliged  to 
seek  an  accommodation  with  Great  Britain.  But 
Dr.  Franklin  strenuously  opposed  this  course.  The 
effect  of  such  a  declaration  seemed  to  him  too  un 
certain  ;  France  might  take  it  as  a  menace;  she 
might  be  induced  by  it  to  throw  over  the  colonies 
altogether,  in  despair  or  anger.  Neither  would  he 
admit  that  the  case  was  in  fact  so  desperate;  the 
colonies  might  yet  work  out  their  own  safety,  with 
the  advantage  in  that  event  of  remaining  more 
free  from  any  European  influence.  The  soundness 
of  this  latter  argument  was  afterward  abundantly 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.         267 

shown  by  the  history  of  the  country  during  the  first 
three  administrations.  Fortunately  upon  this  oc 
casion  Lee  sided  with  Franklin,  and  the  untimely 
trial  of  French  friendship  was  not  made.  Had  it 
been,  it  would  have  been  more  likely  to  jeopardize 
forever  than  to  precipitate  the  good  fortune  which, 
though  still  invisible,  was  close  at  hand. 

It  was  not  until  December  4,  1777,  that  there 
broke  a  great  and  sudden  rift  in  the  solid  cloudi 
ness.  First  there  came  a  vague  rumor  of  good 
news,  no  one  at  all  knew  what;  then  a  post-chaise 
drove  into  Dr.  Franklin's  court-yard,  and  from  it 
hastily  alighted  the  young  messenger,  Jonathan 
Loring  Austin,  whom  Congress  had  sent  express 
from  Philadelphia,  and  who  had  accomplished  an 
extraordinarily  rapid  journey.  The  American  group 
of  envoys  and  agents  were  all  there,  gathered  by 
the  mysterious  report  which  had  reached  them,  and 
at  the  sound  of  the  wheels  they  ran  out  into  the 
court-yard  and  eagerly  surrounded  the  chaise. 
"  Sir,"  exclaimed  Franklin,  "  is  Philadelphia 
taken  ?  "  "  Yes,  sir,"  replied  Austin  ;  and  Frank 
lin  clasped  his  hands  and  turned  to  reenter  the 
house.  But  Austin  cried  that  he  bore  greater 
news  :  that  General  Burgoyne  and  his  whole  army 
were  prisoners  of  war  !  At  the  words  the  glorious 
sunshine  burst  forth.  Beaumarchais,  the  ecstatic, 
sprang  into  his  carriage  and  drove  madly  for  the 
city  to  spread  the  story ;  but  he  upset  his  vehicle 
and  dislocated  his  arm.  The  envoys  hastily  read 
and  wrote  ;  in  a  few  hours  Austin  was  again  on  the 


268  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

road,  this  time  bound  to  de  Vergennes  at  Versailles, 
to  tell  the  great  tidings.  Soon  all  Paris  got  the 
news  and  burst  into  triumphant  rejoicing  over  the 
disaster  to  England. 

Austin's  next  errand  was  a  secret  and  singular 
one.  Franklin  manageu  throughout  his  residence 
in  France  to  maintain  a  constant  communication 
with  the  opposition  party  in  England.  He  now 
thought  it  wise  to  enable  them  to  obtain  full  in 
formation  from  an  intelligent  man  who  was  not 
many  weeks  absent  from  the  States.  Accordingly 
he  dispatched  Austin,  using  extreme  precautions 
of  secrecy,  making  him  "  burn  every  letter  which 
he  had  brought  from  his  friends  in  America,"  but 
giving  him  in  exchange  two  other  letters,  which 
certainly  introduced  him  to  strange  society  for  an 
American  "  rebel "  to  frequent.  During  his  visit 
he  was  "  domesticated  in  the  family  of  the  Earl  of 
Shelburne  ;  placed  under  the  particular  protection 
of  his  chaplain,  the  celebrated  Dr.  Priestley  ;  intro 
duced  "  to  George  IV.,  then  Prince  of  Wales,  with 
whom  was  Charles  Fox,  and  was  "  present  at  all 
the  coteries  of  the  opposition."  Almost  every 
evening  he  was  invited  to  dinner-parties,  at  which 
the  company  was  chiefly  composed  of  members  of 
Parliament,  and  they  plied  him  with  interrogations 
about  his  country  and  its  affairs,  so  that,  as  he  re 
ported,  "no  question  which  you  can  conceive  is 
omitted."  1  He  answered  well,  and  rendered  ser 
vice  as  good  as  it  was  singular,  for  which  Franklin 
1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  ii.  307. 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.          269 

was  probably  the  only  American  who  could  have 
furnished  the  opening.  The  adventure  brings  to 
mind  some  of  the  Jacobite  tales  of  Sir  Walter 
Scott's  novels. 

One  half  of  the  advantages  accruing  from  "  Gen= 
eral  Burgoyne's  capitulation  to  Mr.  Gates  "  —  such 
was  the  Tory  euphemism,  somewhat  ill-considered, 
since  it  implied  that  the  gallant  British  commander 
had  capitulated  to  a  civilian  —  was  to  be  reaped  in 
Europe.  The  excellent  Hartley  was  already  be 
nevolently  dreaming  of  effecting  an  accommoda 
tion  between  the  two  contestants ;  and  seeing 
clearly  that  an  alliance  with  France  must  be  fatal 
to  any  such  project,  he  closed  a  letter  on  February 
3,  1778,  to  Franklin,  by  "  subjoining  one  earnest 
caution  and  request :  Let  nothing  ever  persuade 
America  to  throw  themselves  into  the  arms  of 
France.  Times  may  mend.  I  hope  they  will.  An 
American  must  always  be  a  stranger  in  France ; 
Great  Britain  may  for  ages  to  come  be  their  home." 
This  was  as  kindly  in  intention  as  it  was  bad  in 
grammatical  construction ;  but  it  was  written  from 
a  point  of  view  very  different  from  that  which  an 
American  could  adopt.  Franklin  promptly  replied: 
"  When  your  nation  is  hiring  all  the  cut-throats  it 
can  collect,  of  all  countries  and  colors,  to  destroy 
us,  it  is  hard  to  persuade  us  not  to  ask  or  accept 
aid  from  any  power  that  may  be  prevailed  with  to 
grant  it ;  and  this  only  from  the  hope  that,  though 
you  now  thirst  for  our  blood,  and  pursue  us  with 
fire  and  sword,  you  may  in  some  future  time  treat 


270  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

us  kindly.  This  is  too  much  patience  to  be  ex 
pected  of  us ;  indeed,  I  think  it  is  not  in  human 
nature." 

A  few  days  later  he  transposed  Hartley's  advice, 
not  without  irony:  "Let  nothing  induce  [the  Eng 
lish  Whigs]  to  join  with  the  Tories  in  supporting 
and  continuing  this  wicked  war  against  the  Whigs 
of  America,  whose  assistance  they  may  hereafter 
want  to  secure  their  own  liberties,  or  whose  country 
they  may  be  glad  to  retire  to  for  the  enjoyment  of 
them."  Hartley  must  have  had  a  marvelous  good 
temper,  if  he  read  without  resentment  the  very 
blunt  and  severe  replies  which  Franklin  a  little 
mercilessly  made  to  the  other's  ever  temperate  and 
amiable  letters. 

Hartley's  advice,  if  not  acceptable,  was  at  least 
timely.  At  the  very  moment  when  he  warned 
America  against  taking  refuge  in  the  arms  of 
France,  the  colonists  were  joyously  springing  into 
that  international  embrace.  The  victory  at  Sara 
toga  had  at  last  settled  that  matter.  On  December 
6,  1777,  two  days  after  the  news  was  received, 
M.  Gerard  called  upon  the  envoys  and  said  that 
the  capacity  of  the  colonies  to  maintain  their  in 
dependence  could  no  longer  be  doubted,  and  that 
the  French  court  would  be  pleased  by  a  renewal  of 
their  proposals  for  an  alliance.  On  December  8th 
a  request  for  an  alliance  was  placed  by  young  Tem 
ple  Franklin  in  the  hands  of  de  Vergennes.  On 
December  12th  the  cabinet  met ;  also  Arthur  Lee 
reports  that  the  envoys  went  out  to  Versailles  and 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.  271 

concealed  themselves  at  an  appointed  spot  in  the 
wood,  whither  soon  came  to  them  de  Vergennes. 
In  the  talk  that  ensued  he  said  to  them  everything 
which  a  liberal  spirit  of  friendship  could  suggest, 
but  nothing  which  was  actually  positive  and  bind 
ing.  For  it  was  necessary,  as  he  explained,  first  to 
consult  with  Spain,  whose  concurrence  was  desired  ; 
this,  however,  could  be  safely  counted  upon,  and 
a  courier  was  to  be  dispatched  at  once  to  Madrid. 
But  the  return  of  this  messenger  was  not  awaited; 
for  on  December  17  the  commissioners  were  for 
mally  notified  that  France  would  acknowledge  the 
independence  of  the  colonies,  and  would  execute 
with  them  treaties  of  commerce  and  alliance  imme 
diately  upon  getting  the  Spanish  reply.  In  return 
for  her  engagements  France  only  asked  that,  in  the 
probable  event  of  a  war  ensuing  between  herself 
and  England,  the  colonies  would  pledge  themselves 
never  to  make  peace  save  upon  the  terms  of  inde 
pendence. 

On  January  8,  1778,  M.  Gerard  met  the  en 
voys  after  dark  at  Mr.  Deane's  quarters.  He  in 
formed  them  that  the  government  had  resolved 
immediately  to  conclude  with  the  colonies  a  treaty 
of  amity  and  commerce  ;  also  another  treaty,  offen 
sive  and  defensive,  and  guarantying  independence, 
upon  the  conditions  that  the  colonies  would  neither 
make  a  separate  peace,  nor  one  relinquishing  their 
independence.  The  independence  of  the  thirteen 
colonies  being  the  king's  sole  purpose,  no  assistance 
would  be  extended  for  subduing  Canada  or  the 


272  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

English  West  Indies.  As  it  would  probably  not 
be  agreeable  to  the  colonies  to  have  foreign  troops 
in  their  country,  the  design  was  to  furnish  only 
naval  aid.  It  would  be  left  open  for  Spain  to 
accede  to  the  treaties  at  any  time.  Nothing  could 
have  been  more  agreeable  and  encouraging  than 
these  arrangements,  by  which  France  did  all  the 
giving  and  America  all  the  receiving.  A  few  days 
later  Gerard  said  that  the  king  would  not  only 
acknowledge,  but  would  support  American  indepen 
dence,  and  that  the  condition  precluding  the  Amer 
icans  from  making  a  separate  peace,  if  France 
should  be  drawn  into  the  war,  would  be  waived. 

On  January  18th  Gerard  came  to  the  envoys  with 
drafts  which  he  had  prepared  for  the  two  treaties, 
and  which  he  left  for  them  to  consider  at  their 
leisure.  It  took  them  much  longer  to  consider  than 
it  had  taken  him  to  devise  these  documents.  Lee 
said  that  the  delay  was  all  Franklin's  fault ;  but 
at  least  Franklin  illumined  it  by  one  of  his  mots. 
There  was  sent  to  the  envoys  a  large  cake  inscribed : 
"  Le  digne  Franklin."  Deane  said  that,  with 
thanks,  they  would  appropriate  it  to  their  joint  use ; 
Franklin  pleasantly  replied  that  it  was  obviously 
intended  for  all  three,  only  the  French  donor  did 
not  know  how  to  spell  "  Lee,  Deane,  Franklin  "  cor 
rectly.  But  the  uneasy  jealousy  of  Lee  suggested 
a  counter-argument :  "  When  they  remember  us," 
i.  e.,  himself  and  Deane,  he  said,  "  they  always  put 
you  first."  Lee,  who  in  his  lifetime  could  never 
endure  being  second  to  Franklin,  must  be  astounded 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.  273 

indeed  if,  in  another  existence,  he  sees  the  place 
which  judicial  posterity  has  assigned  to  him ! 

In  their  discussions  concerning  the  treaty  the 
commissioners  fell  into  a  contention  over  one  article. 
Their  secret  instructions  directed  them  to  "  press  " 
for  a  stipulation  that  no  export  duties  should  be 
imposed  by  France  upon  molasses  taken  from  the 
French  West  Indies  into  the  States  ;  but  they  were 
not  to  let  the  "  fate  of  the  treaty  depend  upon  ob 
taining  it."  Of  all  merchandise  imported  into  the 
States  molasses  was  the  most  important  to  their 
general  trade  ;  it  was  the  "  basis  on  which  a  very 
great  part  of  the  American  commerce  rested."  l 
In  exchange  for  it  they  sent  to  the  islands  consid 
erable  quantities  of  pretty  much  all  their  products, 
and  they  distilled  it  in  enormous  quantities  into 
rum.  Every  man  who  drank  a  glass  of  rum  seemed 
to  be  advancing  pro  tanto  the  national  prosperity, 
and  the  zeal  with  which  those  godly  forefathers  of 
ours  thus  promoted  the  general  welfare  is  feebly 
appreciated  by  their  descendants.  All  this  rurn, 
said  John  Adams,  has  "  injured  our  health  and  our 
morals ;  "  but  "  the  taste  for  rum  will  continue  ;  " 
and  upon  this  conviction  the  commissioners  felt 
obliged  to  act.  Accordingly  they  proposed  that  it 
should  be  "  agreed  and  concluded  that  there  shall 
never  be  any  duty  imposed  on  the  exportation  of 
molasses  that  may  be  taken  by  the  subjects  of  the 
United  States  from  the  islands  of  America  which 
belong  or  may  hereafter  appertain  to  his  most 

1  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  Amer.  Rev.,  i.  156. 


274  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Christian  majesty."  But  Gerard  said  that  this 
was  "  unequal,"  since  the  States  made  no  balancing 
concession.  It  was  not  easy  to  suggest  any  "  con 
cession  of  equal  importance  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,"  and  so  "  after  long  consideration 
Dr.  Franklin  proposed"  this:  "In  compensation  of 
the  exemption  stipulated  in  the  preceding  article,  it 
is  agreed  and  concluded  that  there  shall  never  be 
any  duties  imposed  on  the  exportation  of  any  kind 
of  merchandise,  which  the  subjects  of  his  most 
Christian  majesty  may  take  from  the  countries  and 
possessions,  present  or  future,  of  any  of  the  thirteen 
United  States,  for  the  use  of  the  islands  which 
shall  furnish  molasses." 

This  pleased  Lee  as  little  as  the  other  article  had 
pleased  Gerard  ;  for  it  was  "  too  extensive,  and 
more  than  equivalent  for  molasses  only."  He  was 
answered  that  "  it  was  in  reality  nothing  more  than 
giving  up  what  we  could  never  make  use  of  but  to 
our  own  prejudice ;  for  nothing  was  more  evident 
than  the  bad  policy  of  laying  duties  on  our  own  ex 
ports."  Franklin  was  of  opinion  that  export  duties 
were  "  a  knavish  attempt  to  get  something  for  noth 
ing  ;  "  that  the  inventor  of  them  had  the  "  genius  of 
a  pickpocket."  Britain  had  lost  her  colonies  by  an 
export  duty  on  tea.  Moreover  since  the  States  pro 
duced  no  commodity  which  could  not  be  procured 
elsewhere,  to  discourage  consumption  of  their  own 
and  encourage  the  rivalship  of  others  would  be  an 
"  absolute  folly "  against  which  he  would  protest 
even  if  practiced  by  way  of  reprisal.  Gerard  finally 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.  275 

said  that  he  regarded  these  articles  as  "  reciprocal 
and  equal,"  that  his  majesty  was  "  indifferent " 
about  them,  and  that  they  might  be  retained  or  re 
jected  together,  but  that  one  could  not  be  kept  with 
out  the  other.  Lee  then  yielded,  and  Gerard  was 
notified  that  both  articles  would  be  inserted.  He 
assented.  Soon,  however,  William  Lee  and  Izard, 
being  informed  of  the  arrangement,  took  Arthur 
Lee's  original  view  and  protested  against  it.  Lee 
reports  that  this  interference  put  Franklin  "  much 
out  of  humor,"  and  that  he  said  it  would  "appear 
an  act  of  levity  to  renew  the  discussion  of  a  thing 
we  had  agreed  to."  None  the  less,  Lee  now  re 
sumed  his  first  position  so  firmly  that  Franklin  and 
Deane  in  their  turn  agreed  to  omit  both  articles. 
But  they  stipulated  that  Lee  should  arrange  the 
matter  with  Gerard,  since,  as  they  had  just  agreed 
in  writing  to  retain  both,  they  "  could  not  with  any 
consistency  make  a  point  of  their  being  expunged," 
and  they  felt  that  the  business  of  a  change  at  this 
stage  might  be  disagreeable.  In  fact  Lee  found  it 
so.  When  he  called  on  Gerard  and  requested  the 
omission  of  both,  Gerard  replied  that  the  king  had 
already  approved  the  treaty,  that  it  was  now  en 
grossed  on  parchment,  and  that  a  new  arrangement 
would  entail  "  inconvenience  and  considerable  de 
lay."  But  finally,  not  without  showing  some  irri 
tation  at  the  fickleness  of  the  commissioners,  he 
was  brought  to  agree  that  Congress  might  ratify 
the  treaty  either  with  or  without  these  articles,  as 
it  should  see  fit.  This  business  cost  Franklin,  as 


276  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

an  annoying  incident,  an  encounter  with  Mr.  Izard, 
and  a  tart  correspondence  ensued. 

On  February  6th  all  was  at  length  ready  and 
the  parties  came  together,  M.  Gerard  for  France 
and  the  envoys  for  the  States,  to  execute  these 
most  important  documents.  Franklin  wore  the 
spotted  velvet  suit  of  privy  council  fame.  They 
signed  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  a  treaty 
of  alliance,  and  a  secret  article  belonging  with 
the  latter  providing  that  Spain  might  become  a 
party  to  it  —  on  the  Spanish  mahana.  There  was 
an  express  stipulation  on  the  part  of  France  that 
the  whole  should  be  kept  secret  until  after  ratifi 
cation  by  Congress  ;  for  there  was  a  singular  ap 
prehension  that  in  the  interval  some  accommoda 
tion  might  be  brought  about  between  the  insurgent 
States  and  the  mother  country,  which  would  leave 
France  in  a  very  embarrassing  position  if  she  should 
not  be  free  to  deny  the  existence  of  such  treaties. 
It  was  undoubtedly  a  dread  of  some  such  occur 
rence  which  had  induced  the  promptitude  and  the 
ever-increasing  liberality  in  terms  which  France 
had  shown  from  the  moment  when  the  news  of 
Saratoga  arrived.  Nor  perhaps  was  her  anxiety  so 
utterly  absurd  as  it  now  seems.  There  was  some 
foundation  for  Gibbon's  epigrammatic  statement 
that  "the  two  greatest  nations  in  Europe  were 
fairly  running  a  race  for  the  favor  of  America." 
For  the  disaster  to  the  army  on  the  Hudson  had 
had  an  effect  in  England  even  greater  than  it 
had  had  in  France,  and  Burgoyne's  capitulation 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.  277 

to  "  Mr.  Gates "  had  very  nearly  brought  on  a 
capitulation  of  Lord  North's  cabinet  to  the  insur 
gent  Congress.  On  February  17  that  minister 
rose,  and  in  a  speech  of  two  hours  introduced  two 
conciliatory  bills.  The  one  declared  that  Parlia 
ment  had  no  intention  of  exercising  the  right  of 
taxing  the  colonies  in  America.  The  other  author 
ized  sending  to  the  States  commissioners  empow 
ered  to  "  treat  with  Congress,  with  provincial  as 
semblies,  or  with  Washington ;  to  order  a  truce ; 
to  suspend  all  laws  ;  to  grant  pardons  and  rewards ; 
to  restore  the  form  of  constitution  as  it  stood  be 
fore  the  troubles."  l  The  prime  minister  substan 
tially  acknowledged  that  England's  course  toward 
her  colonies  had  been  one  prolonged  blunder,  and 
now  she  was  willing  to  concede  every  demand  save 
actual  independence.  The  war  might  be  continued, 
as  it  was;  but  such  a  confession  could  never  be 
retracted.  "A  dull  melancholy  silence  for  some 
time  succeeded  to  this  speech.  .  .  .  Astonishment, 
dejection,  and  fear  overclouded  the  assembly." 

But  a  fresh  sensation  was  at  hand.  Horace  and 
Thomas  Walpole  had  obtained  private  information 
of  what  had  taken  place  in  France ;  but  had  cau 
tiously  held  it  in  reserve,  and  arranged  that  only 
two  hours  before  the  meeting  of  the  House  of  Com 
mons  on  that  eventful  day  the  Duke  of  Grafton 
should  tell  it  to  Charles  Fox.  So  now  when  North 
sat  down  Fox  rose,  indulged  in  a  little  sarcasm  on 
the  conversion  of  the  ministry  to  the  views  of  the 
1  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  S.,  ix.  484. 


278  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

opposition,  and  then  asked  his  lordship  "  Whether  a 
commercial  treaty  with  France  had  not  been  signed 
by  the  American  agents  at  Paris  within  the  last 
ten  days?  'If  so,'  he  said,  'the  administration 
is  beaten  by  ten  days,  a  situation  so  threatening 
that  in  such  a  time  of  danger  the  House  must  con 
cur  with  the  propositions,  though  probably  now 
they  would  have  no  effect.'  Lord  North  was  thun 
derstruck  and  would  not  rise."  But  at  last,  warned 
that  it  would  be  "  criminal  and  a  matter  of  im 
peachment  to  withhold  an  answer,"  he  admitted 
that  he  had  heard  a  rumor  of  the  signature  of  such 
a  treaty.1  So  the  bills  were  passed  too  late. 

So  soon  as  their  passage  was  assured,  Hartley, 
"acting  on  an  understanding  with  Lord  North,"2 
dispatched  copies  to  Franklin.  Franklin  upon  his 
part,  also  first  having  an  understanding  with  de 
Vergennes,  replied  that,  if  peace  with  the  States 
upon  equal  terms  were  really  desired,  the  commis 
sioners  need  not  journey  to  America  for  it,  for  "  if 
wise  and  honest  men,  such  as  Sir  George  Saville, 
the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  and  yourself  were  to  come 
over  here  immediately  with  powers  to  treat,  you 
might  not  only  obtain  peace  with  America  but  pre 
vent  a  war  with  France."  About  the  same  time 
also  Hartley  visited  Franklin  in  person ;  but  noth 
ing  came  of  their  interview,  of  which  no  record 
is  preserved.  The  two  bills  were  passed,  almost 

1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  ii.  309. 

2  Bancroft,  Hist.    U.  S.,  ix.  485 ;   Bale's  Franklin  in  France, 
i.  223. 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.  279 

unanimously.  But  every  one  felt  that  their  useful 
ness  had  been  taken  out  of  them  by  the  other  con 
sequences  of  that  event  which  had  induced  their  in 
troduction.  News  of  them,  however,  was  dispatched 
to  America  by  a  ship  which  followed  close  upon  the 
frigate  which  carried  the  tidings  of  the  French 
treaties.  If  the  English  ship  should  arrive  first, 
something  might  be  effected.  But  it  did  not,  and 
probably  nothing  would  have  been  gained  if  it  had. 
Franklin  truly  said  to  Hartley:  "All  acts  that 
suppose  your  future  government  of  the  colonies 
can  be  no  longer  significant ;  "  and  he  described 
the  acts  as  "  two  frivolous  bills,  which  the  present 
ministry,  in  their  consternation,  have  thought  fit 
to  propose,  with  a  view  to  support  their  public 
credit  a  little  longer  at  home,  and  to  amuse  and 
divide,  if  possible,  our  people  in  America."  But 
even  for  this  purpose  they  came  too  late,  and  stirred 
no  other  response  than  a  ripple  of  sarcastic  tri 
umph  over  such  an  act  of  humiliation,  which  was 
aggravated  by  being  rejected  almost  without  con 
sideration  by  Congress. 

So  there  was  an  end  of  conciliation.  On  March 
23d  the  American  envoys  had  the  significant  dis 
tinction  of  a  presentation  to  the  king,  who  is  said 
to  have  addressed  to  them  this  gracious  and  royal 
sentence :  "  Gentlemen,  I  wish  the  Congress  to  be 
assured  of  my  friendship.  I  beg  leave  also  to  ob 
serve  that  I  am  exceedingly  satisfied,  in  particular, 
with  your  own  conduct  during  your  residence  in  my 
kingdom." l  This  personal  compliment,  if  paid, 
1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  ii.  312. 


280  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

was  gratifying ;  for  the  anomalous  and  difficult  posi 
tion  of  the  envoys  had  compelled  them  to  govern 
themselves  wholly  by  their  own  tact  and  judgment, 
with  no  aid  from  experience  or  precedents. 

The  presentation  had  been  delayed  by  reason  of 
Franklin  having  an  attack  of  the  gout,  and  the 
effort,  when  made,  laid  him  up  for  some  time  after 
ward.  It  was  on  this  occasion,  especially,  that  he 
made  himself  conspicuous  by  wearing  only  the 
simple  dress  of  a  gentleman  of  the  day  instead  of 
the  costume  of  etiquette.  Bancroft  says  that  again 
he  donned  the  suit  of  spotted  Manchester  velvet. 
He  did  not  wear  a  sword,  but  made  up  for  it  by 
keeping  on  his  spectacles ;  he  had  a  round  white 
hat  under  his  arm,  and  no  wig  concealed  his 
scanty  gray  hair.  America  has  always  rejoiced  at 
this  republican  simplicity;  but  the  fact  seems  to 
be  that  it  was  largely  due  to  chance.  Parton  says 
that  the  doctor  had  ordered  a  wig,  but  when  it 
came  home  it  proved  much  too  small  for  his  great 
head,  and  there  was  no  time  to  make  another. 
Hawthorne  also  repeats  the  story  that  Franklin's 
court  suit  did  not  get  home  in  time,  and  so  he  had 
to  go  in  ordinary  apparel ;  but  it  "  took"  so  well 
that  the  shrewd  doctor  never  explained  the  real 
reason. 

On  March  13th  the  Marquis  de  Noailles,  French 
ambassador  at  St.  James's,  formally  announced  to 
the  English  secretary  of  state  the  execution  of  the 
treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  ;  and  impudently 
added  a  hope  that  the  English  court  would  see 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.          281 

therein  "new  proofs"  of  King  Louis's  "sincere 
disposition  for  peace ; "  and  that  his  Britannic 
majesty,  animated  by  the  same  sentiments,  would 
equally  avoid  everything  that  might  alter  their 
good  harmony ;  also  that  he  would  particularly 
take  effective  measures  to  prevent  the  commerce 
between  his  French  majesty's  subjects  and  the 
United  States  of  North  America  from  being  inter 
rupted.  When  this  was  communicated  to  Parlia 
ment  Conway  asked :  "  What  else  have  we  to  do 
but  to  take  up  the  idea  that  Franklin  has  thrown 
out  with  fairness  and  manliness?"1  But  Franklin's 
ideas  had  not  now,  any  more  than  heretofore,  the 
good  fortune  to  be  acceptable  to  English  ministers. 
Indeed,  the  mere  fact  that  a  suggestion  came  from 
him  was  in  itself  unfortunate ;  for  the  king,  whose 
influence  was  preponderant  in  this  American  busi 
ness,  had  singled  out  Franklin  among  all  the 
"  rebels  "  as  the  object  of  extreme  personal  hatred. 2 
Franklin  certainly  reciprocated  the  feeling  with  an 
intensity  which  John  Adams  soon  afterward  noted, 
apparently  with  some  surprise.  The  only  real  reply 
to  Noailles's  message  which  commended  itself  to 
government  was  the  instant  recall  of  Lord  Stor- 
mont,  who  left  Paris  on  March  23d,  sans  prendre 
conge,  just  as  he  had  once  before  threatened  to  do. 
On  the  same  day  the  French  ambassador  left  Lon 
don,  accompanied,  as  Gibbon  said,  by  "some  slight 

1  The  reference  was   to  the  suggestion  made   to   Hartley  for 
sending  commissioners  to  Paris  to  treat  for  peace. 

2  Franklin's  Works,  vi.  39,  note 


282  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

expression  of  ill  humor  from  John  Bull."  At  the 
end  of  the  month  M.  Gdrard  sailed  for  America, 
the  first  accredited  minister  to  the  new  member  of 
the  sisterhood  of  civilized  nations.  A  fortnight 
later  the  squadron  of  D'Estaing  sailed  from  Toulon 
for  American  waters,  and  two  weeks  later  the  Eng 
lish  fleet  followed. 

Thus  far  the  course  of  France  throughout  her  re 
lationship  with  the  States  had  been  that  of  a  gen 
erous  friend.  She  undoubtedly  had  been  primarily 
instigated  by  enmity  to  England ;  and  she  had  been 
for  a  while  guarded  and  cautious ;  yet  not  un 
reasonably  so ;  on  the  contrary,  she  had  in  many 
instances  been  sufficiently  remiss  in  regarding  her 
neutral  obligations  to  give  abundant  cause  for  war, 
though  England  had  not  felt  ready  to  declare  it. 
At  the  first  interview  concerning  the  treaty  of  com 
merce  de  Vergennes  had  said  that  the  French 
court  desired  to  take  no  advantage  of  the  condition 
of  the  States,  and  to  exact  no  terms  which  they 
would  afterward  regret,  but  rather  to  make  an  ar 
rangement  so  based  upon  the  interest  of  both  par 
ties  that  it  should  last  as  long  as  human  institu 
tions  should  endure,  so  that  mutual  amity  should 
subsist  forever.  M.  Gerard  reiterated  the  same 
sentiments.  That  this  language  was  not  mere 
French  courtesy  was  proved  by  the  fact  that  the 
treaties,  when  completed,  were  "  founded  on  prin 
ciples  of  equality  and  reciprocity,  and  for  the  most 
part  were  in  conformity  to  the  proposals  of  Con 
gress."  l  Each  party,  under  the  customs  laws  of 
1  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  S.,  ix.  481. 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.  283 

the  other,  was  to  be  upon  the  footing  of  the  most 
favored  nation.  The  transfer  of  the  valuable  and 
growing  trade  of  the  States  from  England  to  France 
had  been  assiduously  held  out  as  a  temptation  to 
France  to  enter  into  these  treaties ;  but  no  effort 
was  made  by  France  to  gain  from  the  needs  of  the 
Americans  any  exclusive  privileges  for  herself. 
She  was  content  to  stipulate  only  that  no  other 
people  should  be  granted  preferences  over  her, 
leaving  the  States  entirely  unhampered  for  making 
subsequent  arrangements  with  other  nations.  The 
light  in  which  these  dealings  about  the  treaties 
made  the  French  minister  and  the  French  court 
appear  to  Franklin  should  be  remembered  in  the 
discussions  which  arose  later  concerning  the  treaty 
of  peace.1 

It  may  further  be  mentioned,  by  the  way,  that 
Franklin  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  inserted  his 
favorite  principle :  that  free  ships  should  make 
free  goods,  and  free  persons  also,  save  only  soldiers 
in  actual  service  of  an  enemy.  In  passing,  it  is 
pleasant  to  preserve  this,  amid  the  abundant  other 
testimony  to  Franklin's  humane  and  advanced 
ideas  as  to  the  conduct  of  war  between  civilized 
nations.2  The  doctrine  of  free  ships  making  free 

1  See   Franklin's  Works,   vi.    133.     At   this  time  John  Adams 
strongly  entertained  the  same  sentiments,   though  he  afterward 
felt  very  differently  about  the  sincerity  of  France.      Diplomatic 
Correspondence  of  American  Revolution,  iv.  262,  292. 

2  He  was  able  to  give  a  practical  proof  of  his   liberality  by 
furnishing  a  passport  to  the  packets  carrying  goods  to  the  Mora 
vian  brethren  in  Labrador.     Hale's  Franklin  in  France,  i.  245. 


284  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

goods,  though  promulgated  early  in  the  century, 
was  still  making  slow  and  difficult  progress. 
Franklin  accepted  it  with  eagerness.  He  wrote 
that  he  was  "  not  only  for  respecting  the  ships  as 
the  house  of  a  friend,  though  containing  the  goods 
of  an  enemy,  but  I  even  wish  that  ...  all  those 
kinds  of  people  who  are  employed  in  procuring 
subsistence  for  the  species,  or  in  exchanging  the 
necessaries  or  conveniences  of  life,  which  are  for 
the  common  benefit  of  mankind,  such  as  husband 
men  on  their  lands,  fishermen  in  their  barques,  and 
traders  in  unarmed  vessels,  shall  be  permitted  to 
prosecute  their  several  innocent  and  useful  employ 
ments  without  interruption  or  molestation,  and 
nothing  taken  from  them,  even  when  wanted  by  an 
enemy,  but  on  paying  a  fair  price  for  the  same." 
Also  to  the  president  of  Congress  he  spoke  of  Rus 
sia's  famous  'proposal  for  an  u  armed  neutrality  for 
protecting  the  liberty  of  commerce"  as  "the  great 
public  event  "  of  the  year  in  Europe.  He  pro 
posed  that  Congress  should  order  their  cruisers 
"  not  to  molest  foreign  ships,  but  to  conform  to  the 
spirit  of  that  treaty  of  neutrality."  Congress 
promptly  voted  to  request  the  admission  of  the 
States  to  the  league,  and  John  Adams  took  charge 
of  this  business  during  his  mission  to  Holland. 

Events  having  thus  established  the  indefinite 
continuance  of  the  war,  the  good  Hartley,  pro 
foundly  disappointed,  wrote  a  brief  note  invoking 
blessings  on  his  "dear  friend,"  and  closing  with 
the  ominous  words, "  If  tempestuous  times  should 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.  285 

come,  take  care  of  your  own  safety ;  events  are  un 
certain  and  men  may  be  capricious."  Franklin, 
however,  declined  to  be  alarmed.  "I  thank  you," 
he  said,  "  for  your  kind  caution,  but  having  nearly 
finished  a  long  life,  I  set  but  little  value  on  what 
remains  of  it.  Like  a  draper,  when  one  chaffers 
with  him  for  a  remnant,  I  am  ready  to  say :  4  As  it 
is  only  the  fag  end,  I  will  not  differ  with  you  about 
it ;  take  it  for  what  you  please.'  Perhaps  the  best 
use  such  an  old  fellow  can  be  put  to  is  to  make  a 
martyr  of  him." 

A  few  weeks  after  the  conclusion  of  this  diplo 
matic  bond  of  friendship  between  the  two  peoples, 
Franklin,  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Bancroft,  "placed 
the  public  opinion  of  philosophical  France  con 
spicuously  on  the  side  of  America."  Voltaire  came 
back  to  Paris,  after  twenty-seven  years  of  voluntary 
exile,  and  received  such  adoration  that  it  almost 
seemed  as  if,  for  Frenchmen,  he  was  taking  the 
place  of  that  God  whom  he  had  been  declaring 
non-existent,  but  whom  he  believed  it  necessary  for 
mankind  to  invent.  Franklin  had  an  interview 
with  him,  which  presented  a  curious  scene.  The 
aged  French  philosopher,  shriveled,  bright -eyed, 
destructive  -  minded,  received  the  aged  American 
philosopher,  portly,  serene,  the  humanest  of  men, 
in  theatrical  French  fashion,  quoting  a  passage  of 
English  poetry,  and  uttering  over  the  head  of 
young  Temple  the  appropriate  benediction,  "God 
and  Liberty."  This  drama  was  enacted  in  private, 
but  on  April  29th  occurred  that  public  spectacle 


286  .          BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

made  familiar  by  countless  engravings,  decorating 
the  walls  of  so  many  old-fashioned  American  "  sit 
ting-rooms  "  and  "  best  parlors,"  when,  upon  the 
stage  of  the  Academy  of  Sciences,  before  a  numer 
ous  and  distinguished  audience,  the  two  venerable 
sages  met  and  saluted  each  other.  "  11  faut  s'em- 
brasser  a  la  Frangaise"  shouted  the  enthusiastic 
crowd  ;  so  they  fell  into  each  other's  arms,  and 
kissed,  after  the  continental  mode.  Great  was  the 
fervor  aroused  in  the  breasts  of  the  classic  people 
of  France  as  they  proudly  saw  upon  their  soil  a 
new  "  Solon  and  Sophocles "  in  embrace.  Who 
shall  say  that  Franklin's  personal  prestige  in 
Europe  had  not  practical  value  for  America  ? 

Silas  Deane,  recalled,  accompanied  Gerard  to 
America.  He  carried  with  him  a  brief  but  gener 
ous  letter  from  Franklin  to  the  president  of  Con 
gress.1  At  the  same  time  Izard  was  writing  home 
that  Deane's  misbehavior  had  long  delayed  the  al 
liance  with  France,  and  he  repeated  what  he  had 
said  in  former  letters,  that  "  whatever  good  dispo 
sitions  were  shown  by  Mr.  Lee,  they  were  always 
opposed  and  overruled  by  the  two  oldest  commis 
sioners."  The  departure  of  the  two  gentlemen  was 
kept  a  close  secret  at  Paris,  and  at  the  request  of 
de  Vergennes  especially  a  secret  from  Arthur  Lee. 
For  the  French  ministry  were  well  assured  that 
Lee's  private  secretary  was  a  spy  in  British  pay, 
and  had  he  got  possession  of  this  important  bit  of 
news,  it  would  not  only  have  been  untimely  in  a 
1  Franklin's  Works,  vi.  153. 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.         287 

diplomatic  way,  but  it  might  have  given  opportu 
nity  for  British  cruisers  to  waylay  a  vessel  carry 
ing  such  distinguished  passengers.  The  precaution 
was  justifiable,  but  it  had  ill  consequences  for 
Franklin,  since  it  naturally  incensed  Lee  to  an  ex 
treme  degree,  and  led  to  a  very  sharp  correspond 
ence,  which  still  further  aggravated  the  discomfort 
of  the  situation.  The  legitimate  trials  to  which 
the  aged  doctor  was  subjected  were  numerous  and 
severe  enough,  but  the  untiring  and  malicious  en 
mity  of  Arthur  Lee  was  an  altogether  illegitimate 
vexation. 

Mr.  Hale  in  his  recent  volumes  upon  Franklin 
truly  says  that  "  it  is  unnecessary  to  place  vitu 
perative  adjectives  to  the  credit  [discredit  ?]  of 
Arthur  Lee ; "  and  in  fact  to  do  so  seems  a  work 
of  supererogation,  since  there  probably  remain  few 
such  epithets  in  the  English  language  which  have 
not  already  been  applied  to  him  by  one  writer  or 
another.  Yet  it  is  hard  to  hold  one's  hand,  al 
though  humanity  would  perhaps  induce  us  to  pity 
rather  than  to  revile  a  man  cursed  with  so  un 
happy  a  temperament.  But  whatever  may  be  said 
or  left  unsaid  about  him  personally,  the  infinite 
disturbance  which  he  caused  cannot  be  wholly  ig 
nored.  It  was  great  enough  to  constitute  an  im 
portant  element  in  history.  Covered  by  the  power 
ful  authority  of  his  influential  and  patriotic  family 
at  home,  and  screened  by  the  profound  ignorance 
of  Congress  concerning  men  and  affairs  abroad, 
Lee  was  able  for  a  long  time  to  run  his  mis- 


288  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

chievous  career  without  discovery  or  interruption. 
He  buzzed  about  Europe  like  an  angry  hornet, 
thrusting  his  venomous  sting  into  every  respecta 
ble  and  useful  servant  of  his  country,  and  irritat 
ing  exceedingly  the  foreigners  whom  it  was  of 
the  first  importance  to  conciliate.  Incredible  as 
it  seems,  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  express  in  Paris  his  deep  antipathy  to 
France  and  Frenchmen ;  and  it  was  only  the  low 
esteem  in  which  he  was  held  that  prevented  his 
singular  behavior  from  doing  irreparable  injury  to 
the  colonial  cause.  The  English  newspapers  taunt 
ingly  ridiculed  his  insignificance  and  incapacity ; 
de  Vergennes  could  not  endure  him,  and  scarcely 
treated  him  with  civility.  But  his  intense  egotism 
prevented  him  from  gathering  wisdom  from  such 
harsh  instruction,  which  only  added  gall  to  his  na 
tive  bitterness.  He  wreaked  his  revenge  upon  his 
colleagues,  and  towards  Franklin  he  cherished  an 
envious  hatred  which  developed  into  a  monoma 
nia.  Perhaps  Franklin  was  correct  in  charitably 
saying  that  at  times  he  was  "  insane."  He  began 
by  asserting  that  Franklin  was  old,  idle,  and  use 
less,  fit  only  to  be  shelved  in  some  respectable  sine 
cure  mission  ;  but  he  rapidly  advanced  from  such 
moderate  condemnation  until  he  charged  Franklin 
with  being  a  party  to  the  abstraction  of  his  de 
spatches  from  a  sealed  parcel,  which  was  rifled  in 
some  unexplained  way  on  its  passage  home  ; 1  and 
finally  he  even  reached  the  extremity  of  alleging 

1  Parton's  Franklin,  ii.  354. 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.  289 

financial  dishonesty  in  the  public  business,  and  in 
sinuated  an  opinion  that  the  doctor's  great  rascality 
indicated  an  intention  never  again  to  revisit  his 
native  land.  In  all  this  malevolence  he  found  an 
earnest  colleague  in  the  hot-blooded  Izard,  whose 
charges  against  Franklin  were  unmeasured.  "  His 
abilities,"  wrote  this  angry  gentleman,  "  are  great 
and  his  reputation  high.  Removed  as  he  is  at  so 
considerable  a  distance  from  the  observation  of  his 
constituents,  if  he  is  not  guided  by  principles  of 
virtue  and  honor,  those  abilities  and  that  reputa 
tion  may  produce  the  most  mischievous  effects. 
In  my  conscience  I  declare  to  you  that  I  believe 
him  under  no  such  restraint,  and  God  knows  that 
I  speak  the  real,  unprejudiced  sentiments  of  my 
heart."  Such  fulminations,  reaching  the  States 
out  of  what  was  then  for  them  the  obscurity  of 
Europe,  greatly  perplexed  the  members  of  Con 
gress  ;  for  they  had  very  insufficient  means  for  de 
termining  the  value  of  the  testimony  given  by  these 
absent  witnesses. 

It  would  serve  no  useful  purpose  to  devote  valu 
able  space  to  narrating  at  length  all  the  slander 
and  malice  of  these  restless  men,  all  the  corre 
spondence,  the  quarrels,  the  explanations,  and 
general  trouble  to  which  they  gave  rise.  But  the 
reader  must  exercise  his  imagination  liberally  in 
fancying  these  things,  in  order  to  appreciate  to 
what  incessant  annoyance  Franklin  was  subjected 
at  a  time  when  the  inevitable  anxieties  and  severe 
labors  of  his  position  were  far  beyond  the  strength 


290  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

of  a  man  of  his  years.  He  showed  wonderful  pa 
tience  and  dignity,  and  though  he  sometimes  let 
some  asperity  find  expression  in  his  replies,  he 
never  let  them  degenerate  into  retorts.  Moreover, 
he  replied  as  little  as  possible,  for  he  truly  said 
that  he  hated  altercation  ;  whereas  Lee,  who  rev 
eled  in  it,  took  as  an  aggravation  of  all  his  other 
injuries  that  his  opponent  was  inclined  to  curtail 
the  full  luxury  to  be  expected  from  a  quarrel. 
Franklin  also  magnanimously  refrained  from  ar 
raigning  Lee  and  Izard  to  Congress,  either  publicly 
or  privately,  a  forbearance  which  these  chivalrous 
gentlemen  did  not  emulate.  The  memorial l  of 
Arthur  Lee,  of  May,  1779,  addressed  to  Congress, 
contains  criminations  enough  to  furnish  forth  many 
impeachments.  But  Franklin  would  not  conde 
scend  to  allow  his  serenity  to  be  disturbed  by  the 
news  of  these  assaults.  He  felt  "  very  easy,"  he 
said,  about  these  efforts  to  injure  him,  trusting  in 
the  justice  of  the  Congress  to  listen  to  no  accusa 
tions  without  giving  him  an  opportunity  to  reply.2 
Yet  his  position  was  not  so  absolutely  secure  and 
exalted  but  that  he  suffered  some  little  injury  at 
home. 

John  Adams,  going  out  to  replace  Silas  Deane, 
crossed  him  on  the  passage,  arriving  at  Bordeaux 
on  March  31,  1778.  This  ardent  New  Englander, 
orderly,  business-like,  endowed  with  an  insatiate 
industry,  plunged  headlong  into  the  midst  of  af- 

1  Franklin's  Works,  vi.  363. 

2  To  Richard  Bache,  Franklin's  Works,  vi.  414. 


THE AT Y  WITH  FRANCE.  291 

fairs.  With  that  happy  self-confidence  character 
istic  of  our  people,  which  leads  every  American  to 
believe  that  he  can  at  once  and  without  training  do 
anything  whatsoever  better  than  it  can  be  done  by 
any  other  living  man  no  matter  how  well  trained, 
Adams  began  immediately  to  act  and  to  criticise. 
In  a  few  hours  he  knew  all  about  the  discussions 
between  the  various  envoys,  quasi  envoys,  and 
agents,  who  were  squabbling  with  each  other  to 
the  scandal  of  Paris ;  in  a  few  days  he  was  ready 
to  turn  out  Jonathan  Williams,  unseen  and  un 
heard.  He  was  shocked  at  the  confusion  in  which 
he  saw  all  the  papers  of  the  embassy,  and  set  vig 
orously  about  the  task  of  sorting,  labeling,  dock 
eting,  and  tying  up  letters  and  accounts  ;  it  was  a 
task  which  Franklin  unquestionably  had  neglected, 
and  which  required  to  be  done.  He  was  appalled 
at  the  "  prodigious  sums  of  money  "  which  had 
been  expended,  at  the  further  great  sums  which 
were  still  to  be  paid,  and  at  the  lack  of  any  proper 
books  of  accounts,  so  that  he  could  not  learn  "  what 
the  United  States  have  received  as  an  equivalent." 
He  did  not  in  direct  words  charge  the  other  com 
missioners  with  culpable  negligence  ;  but  it  was  an 
unavoidable  inference  from  what  he  did  say.  Un 
doubtedly  the  fact  was  that  the  accounts  were  dis 
gracefully  muddled  and  insufficient ;  but  the  fault 
really  lay  with  Congress,  which  had  never  permitted 
proper  clerical  assistance  to  be  employed.  Adams 
soon  found  this  out,  and  appreciated  that  besides 
all  the  diplomatic  affairs,  which  were  their  only 


292  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

proper  concern,  the  commissioners  were  also  trans 
acting  an  enormous  business,  financial  and  commer 
cial,  involving  innumerable  payments  great  and 
small,  loans,  purchases,  and  correspondence,  and 
that  all  was  being  conducted  with  scarcely  any  aid 
of  clerks  or  accountants ;  whereas  a  mercantile 
firm  engaged  in  affairs  of  like  extent  and  moment 
would  have  had  an  extensive  establishment  with  a 
numerous  force  of  skilled  employees.  When 
Adams  had  been  a  little  longer  in  Paris,  he  also 
began  to  see  where  and  how  "  the  prodigious  sums  " 
went,1  and  just  what  was  the  full  scope  of  the  func 
tions  of  the  commissioners  ;  then  the  censoriousness 
evaporated  out  of  his  language.  He  admitted  that 
the  neglects  of  subordinate  agents  were  such  that 
it  was  impossible  for  the  commissioners  to  learn 
the  true  state  of  their  finances  ;  and  he  joined  in 
the  demand,  so  often  reiterated  by  Franklin,  for 
the  establishment  of  the  usual  and  proper  commer 
cial  agencies.  The  business  of  accepting  and  keep 
ing  the  run  of  the  bills  drawn  by  Congress,  and  of 
teasing  the  French  government  for  money  to  meet 
them  at  maturity,  would  still  remain  to  be  attended 
to  by  the  ministers  in  person ;  but  these  things  long 
experience  might  enable  them  to  manage. 

No  sooner  had  Adams  scented  the  first  whiff 
of  the  quarrel-laden  atmosphere  of  the  embassy 
than  he  expressed  in  his  usual  self-satisfied,  impetu 
ous,  and  defiant  way  his  purpose  to  be  rigidly  im 
partial.  But  he  was  a  natural  fault-finder,  and  by 

1  Diplomatic  Corresp.  of  Amer.  Rev.,  iv.  249,  251. 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.  293 

no  means  a  natural  peacemaker ;  and  his  impar 
tiality  had  no  effect  in  assuaging  the  animosities 
which  he  found.  However,  amid  all  the  discords 
of  the  embassy  there  was  one  note  of  harmony  ;  and 
the  bewildered  Congress  must  have  felt  much  satis 
faction  in  finding  that  all  the  envoys  were  agreed 
that  one  representative  at  the  French  court  would 
be  vastly  better  as  well  as  cheaper  than  the  sort  of 
caucus  which  now  held  its  angry  sessions  there.  At 
worst  one  man  could  not  be  forever  at  odds  with 
himself.  Adams,  when  he  had  finished  the  task  of 
arranging  the  archives,  found  no  other  occupation  ; 
and  he  was  scandalized  at  the  extravagance  of  keep 
ing  three  envoys.  Lee,  by  the  way,  had  constantly 
insinuated  that  Franklin  was  blamably  lax,  if  not 
actually  untrustworthy,  in  money  matters,  though 
all  the  while  he  and  his  friend  Izard  had  been  quite 
shameless  in  extorting  from  the  doctor  very  large 
sums  for  their  own  expenses.  When  the  figures 
came  to  be  made  up  it  appeared  that  Franklin  had 
drawn  less  than  either  of  his  colleagues,  and  much 
less  than  the  sum  soon  afterward  established  by 
Congress  as  the  proper  salary  for  the  position.1 
The  frugal-minded  New  Englander  himself  now  ac 
knowledged  that  he  could  "  not  find  any  article  of 
expense  which  could  be  retrenched,"  2  and  he  hon 
estly  begged  Congress  to  stop  the  triple  outlay. 

Franklin,    upon   his   part,    wrote    that  in  many 
ways  the  public  business  and  the  national  prestige 

1  Diplomatic  Corresp.  of  Amer.  Sev.,  iv.  246. 

2  Ibid.,  245. 


294  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

suffered  much  from  the  lack  of  unanimity  among 
the  envoys,  and  said :  "  In  consideration  of  the 
whole,  I  wish  Congress  would  separate  us."  Neither 
Adams  nor  Franklin  wrote  one  word  which  either 
directly  or  indirectly  had  a  personal  bearing. 
Arthur  Lee  was  more  frank ;  in  the  days  of  Deane 
he  had  begun  to  write  that  to  continue  himself 
at  Paris  would  "  disconcert  effectually  the  wicked 
measures  "  of  Franklin,  Deane,  and  Williams,  and 
that  it  was  "  the  one  way  of  redressing  "  the  "  neg 
lect,  dissipation,  and  private  schemes  "  prevalent 
in  the  department,  and  of  "  remedying  the  public 
evil."  .He  said  that  the  French  court  was  the 
place  of  chief  importance,  calling  for  the  ablest  and 
most  efficient  man,  to  wit,  himself.  He  suggested 
that  Franklin  might  be  sent  to  Vienna,  a  dignified 
retreat  without  labor.  Izard  and  William  Lee 
wrote  letters  of  like  purport ;  it  was  true  that  it 
was  none  of  their  affair,  but  they  were  wont  to  in 
terfere  in  the  business  of  the  commissioners,  as  if  the 
French  mission  were  common  property.  Congress 
took  so  much  of  this  advice  as  all  their  advisers 
were  agreed  upon ;  that  is  to  say,  it  broke  up  the 
commission  to  France.  But  it  did  not  appoint 
Arthur  Lee  to  remain  there ;  on  the  contrary,  it 
nominated  Franklin  to  be  minister  plenipotentiary 
at  the  French  court,  left  Lee  still  accredited  to 
Madrid,  as  he  had  been  before,  and  gave  Adams 
neither  any  place  nor  any  instructions,  so  that  he 
soon  returned  home.  Gerard,  at  Philadelphia, 
claimed  the  credit  of  having  defeated  the  machina- 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.          295 

tions  of  the  "  dangerous  and  bad  man,"  Lee,  and 
congratulated  de  Vergennes  on  his  relief  from  the 
burden.1  Franklin's  commission  was  brought  over 
by  Lafayette  in  February,  1779.  Thus  ended  the 
Lee-Izard  cabal  against  Franklin  ;  it  was  not  unlike 
the  Gates-Conway  cabal  against  Washington,  save 
that  it  lasted  longer  and  was  more  exasperating. 
The  success  of  either  would  have  been  almost  equally 
perilous  to  the  popular  cause ;  for  the  instatement  of 
Lee  as  minister  plenipotentiary  at  the  French  court 
would  inevitably  have  led  to  a  breach  with  France. 
The  result  was  very  gratifying  to  Franklin,  since 
it  showed  that  all  the  ill  tales  about  him  which  had 
gone  home  had  not  ruined,  though  certainly  they 
had  seriously  injured,  his  good  repute  among  his 
countrymen.  Moreover,  he  could  truly  say  that 
the  office  "  was  not  obtained  by  any  solicitation  or 
intrigue,"  or  by  "  magnifying  his  own  services,  or 
diminishing  those  of  others."  But  apart  from  the 
gratification  and  a  slight  access  of  personal  dignity, 
the  change  made  no  difference  in  his  duties;  he 
still  combined  the  functions  of  loan-agent,  consul, 
naval  director,  and  minister,  as  before.  Nor  was 
he  even  yet  wholly  rid  of  Arthur  Lee.  He  had, 
however,  the  satisfaction  of  absolutely  refusing  to 
honor  any  more  of  Lee's  or  Izard's  exorbitant 
drafts  for  their  personal  expenses. 

Shortly  after  his  appointment  Franklin  sent  his 
grandson  to  Lee,  with  a  note   requesting  Lee   to 
send  to  him  such  papers  belonging  to  the  embassy 
1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  ii.  383. 


296  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

as  were  in  his  possession.  Lee  insolently  replied 
that  he  had  "  no  papers  belonging  to  the  depart 
ment  of  minister  plenipotentiary  at  the  court  of 
Versailles ; "  that  if  Franklin  referred  to  papers 
relating  to  transactions  of  the  late  joint  commis 
sion,  he  had  "  yet  to  learn  and  could  not  conceive  " 
by  what  reason  or  authority  one  commissioner  was 
entitled  to  demand  custody  of  them.  Franklin  re 
plied  temperately  enough  that  many  of  them  were 
essential  to  him  for  reference  in  conducting  the 
public  business,  but  said  that  he  should  be  per 
fectly  content  to  have  copies.  The  captious  Lee 
was  still  further  irritated  by  this  scheme  for  avoid 
ing  a  quarrel,  but  had  to  accede  to  it. 


To  John  Paul  Jones  Franklin  stood  in  the  rela 
tion  of  a  navy  department.  The  daring  exploits  of 
that  gallant  mariner  form  a  chapter  too  fascinat 
ing  to  be  passed  by  without  reluctance,  but  limi 
tations  of  space  are  inexorable.  His  success  and 
his  immunity  in  his  reckless  feats  seem  marvelous. 
His  chosen  field  was  the  narrow  seas  which  sur 
round  Britain,  which  swarmed  with  British  ship 
ping,  and  were  dominated  by  the  redoubtable  Brit 
ish  navy  as  the  streets  of  a  city  are  kept  in  order 
by  police.  But  the  rover  Jones,  though  always 
close  to  his  majesty's  coasts,  was  too  much  for  all 
his  majesty's  admirals  and  captains.  He  harried 
these  home  waters  and  captured  prizes  till  he  be 
came  embarrassed  by  the  extent  of  his  own  success ; 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.          297 

he  landed  at  Whitehaven,  spiked  the  guns  of  the 
fort,  and  fired  the  ships  of  the  fleet  in  the  harbor 
beneath  the  eyes  of  the  astounded  Englishmen, 
who  thronged  the  shore  and  gazed  bewildered  upon 
the  spectacle  which  American  audacity  displayed 
for  them;  he  made  incursions  on  the  land;  he 
threatened  the  port  of  Leith,  and  would  undoubt 
edly  have  bombarded  it,  had  not  obstinate  counter 
winds  thwarted  his  plans ;  he  kept  the  whole  Brit 
ish  shores  in  a  state  of  feverish  alarm ;  he  was  al 
ways  ready  to  fight,  and  challenged  the  English 
warship,  the  Serapis,  to  come  out  and  meet  him ; 
she  came,  and  he  captured  her  after  fighting  so 
desperately  that  his  own  ship,  the  famous  Bon 
Homme  Richard,  named  after  Poor  Richard,  sank 
a  few  hours  after  the  combat  was  over. 

All  these  glorious  feats  were  rendered  possible  by 
Franklin,  who  found  the  money,  consulted  as  to  the 
operations,  issued  commissions,  attended  to  pur 
chases  and  repairs,  to  supplies  and  equipment,  who 
composed  quarrels,  settled  questions  of  authority, 
and  interposed  to  protect  vessels  and  commanders 
from  the  perils  of  the  laws  of  neutrality.  Jones  had 
a  great  respect  and  admiration  for  him,  and  said 
to  him  once  that  his  letters  would  make  a  coward 
brave.  The  projects  of  Jones  were  generally  de 
vised  in  consultations  with  Franklin,  and  were  in 
the  direct  line  of  enterprises  already  suggested  by 
Franklin,  who  had  urged  Congress  to  send  out 
three  frigates,  disguised  as  merchantmen,  which 
could  make  sudden  descents  upon  the  English  coast, 


298  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

destroy,  burn,  gather  plunder,  and  levy  contribu 
tions,  and  be  off  before  molestation  was  possible. 
"  The  burning  or  plundering  of  Liverpool  or  Glas 
gow,"  he  wrote,  "  would  do  us  more  essential  ser 
vice  than  a  million  of  treasure,  and  much  blood 
spent  on  the  continent ;  "  and  he  was  confident  that 
it  was  "  practicable  with  very  little  danger."  This 
was  not  altogether  in  accord  with  his  humane  the 
ory  for  the  conduct  of  war ;  but  so  long  as  that 
theory  was  not  adopted  by  one  side,  it  could  not  of 
course  be  allowed  to  handicap  the  other. 

As  if  Franklin  had  not  enough  legitimate  trouble 
in  furthering  these  naval  enterprises,  an  entirely 
undeserved  vexation  grew  out  of  them  for  him. 
There  was  a  French  captain  Landais,  who  entered 
the  service  of  the  States  and  was  given  the  com 
mand  of  a  ship  in  what  was  dignified  by  the  name 
of  Jones's  "  squadron."  Of  all  the  excitable 
Frenchmen  who  have  ever  lived  none  can  have  been 
more  hot-headed  than  this  remarkable  man.  Dur 
ing  the  engagement  between  the  Bon  Hoinme  Rich 
ard  and  the  Serapis.  he  sailed  up  and  down  beside 
the  former  and  delivered  broadsides  into  her  until 
he  was  near  disabling  and  sinking  the  ship  of  his 
own  commander.  The  incomprehensible  proceed 
ing  meant  only  that  he  was  so  wildly  excited  that 
he  did  not  know  at  whom  he  was  firing.  Soon  he 
quarreled  with  Jones ;  Franklin  had  to  intervene ; 
then  Landais  advanced  all  sorts  of  preposterous  de 
mands,  which  Franklin  refused  ;  thereupon  he  quar 
reled  with  Franklin  ;  a  very  disagreeable  corre- 


TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.  299 

spondence  ensued ;  Franklin  finally  had  to  displace 
Landais  from  command  of  his  ship ;  Landais  de 
fied  him  and  refused  to  surrender  command.  Then 
Lee  decided  to  go  home  to  the  States  in  Lan dais's 
ship.  When  the  two  got  together  they  stirred  up 
a  mutiny  on  board,  and  more  trouble  was  made  for 
Franklin.  At  last  they  got  away,  and  Landais 
went  crazy  during  the  voyage,  was  deposed  by  his 
officers,  and  placed  in  confinement.  If  the  ship  had 
been  lost,  it  would  have  been  a  more  tolerable  loss 
than  many  for  which  the  ocean  is  accountable  ;  but 
she  was  not,  and  Lee  got  safe  ashore  to  continue 
his  machinations  at  Philadelphia,  and  to  publish 
an  elaborate  pamphlet  against  Franklin.  All  this 
story  and  the  correspondence  may  be  read  at  length 
in  Mr.  Hale's  "  Franklin  in  France."  It  is  enter 
taining  and  shows  vividly  the  misery  to  which 
Franklin  was  subjected  in  attending  to  affairs 
which  were  entirely  outside  of  the  proper  scope  of 
his  office.  "It  is  hard,"  said  he,  "that  I,  who 
give  others  no  trouble  with  my  quarrels,  should 
be  plagued  with  all  the  perversities  of  those  who 
think  fit  to  wrangle  with  one  another." 


CHAPTER  XII. 

FINANCIERING. 

WHETHER  the  financiering  of  the  American 
Revolution  is  to  be  looked  upon  in  a  pathetic  or  in 
a  comical  light  must  depend  upon  the  mood  of  the 
observer.  The  spectacle  of  a  young  people,  with 
no  accumulated  capital,  engaged  in  supporting  the 
charge  of  a  mortal  struggle  against  all  the  vast  re 
sources  of  Britain,  has  in  it  something  of  pathos. 
But  the  methods  to  which  this  people  resorted  to 
raise  funds  were  certainly  of  amusing  simplicity. 
It  was  not  until  the  appointment  of  Robert  Mor 
ris,  in  1781,  that  a  treasury  department  came  into 
existence  and  some  slight  pretense  of  system  was 
introduced  into  the  financial  affairs  of  the  confed 
eration.  During  the  years  prior  to  that  time  Con 
gress  managed  the  business  matters.  But  Congress 
neither  had  funds  nor  the  power  to  obtain  any.  It 
had  an  unlimited  power  for  contracting  debts :  ab 
solutely  no  power  for  collecting  money.  It  used 
the  former  power  freely.  When  creditors  wanted 
payment,  requisitions  were  made  upon  the  states 
for  their  respective  quotas.  But  the  states  were 
found  to  be  sadly  irresponsive  ;  probably  the  citi 
zens  really  had  not  much  ready  money ;  cer- 


FINANCIERING.  301 

tainly  they  had  not  enough  to  pay  in  taxes  the  cost 
of  the  war ;  no  civilized  state  has  been  able  to  con 
duct  a  war,  even  a  small  one,  in  modern  times 
without  using  the  national  credit.  But  the  United 
States  had  absolutely  no  credit  at  all.  It  was  well 
enough  to  exclaim  "  Millions  for  defense ;  but  not 
one  cent  for  tribute! "  This  was  rhetoric,  not  busi 
ness  ;  and  Congress  soon  found  that  the  driblets 
which  trickled  tardily  to  them  in  response  to  their 
demands  on  the  several  states  would  hardly  mois 
ten  the  bottom  of  the  great  exchequer  tank,  which 
needed  to  be  filled  to  the  brim. 

Two  methods  of  relief  were  then  adopted,  crude, 
simple,  but  likely  for  a  time  to  be  efficient ;  and 
provided  only  that  within  that  time  the  war  could 
be  finished,  all  might  go  well.  One  of  these  meth 
ods  was  to  issue  irredeemable  paper  "  money ; "  the 
other  was  to  borrow  real  money  abroad.  The  droll 
part  was  that  both  these  transactions  were  auda 
ciously  entered  upon  by  a  body  which  had  abso 
lutely  no  revenues  at  all  to  pledge  as  security, 
which  had  not  a  dollar  of  property,  nor  authority 
to  compel  any  living  man  to  pay  it  a  dollar.  A. 
more  utterly  irresponsible  debtor  than  Congress 
never  asked  for  a  loan  or  offered  a  promissory  note. 
For  the  security  of  a  creditor  there  was  only  the 
moral  probability  that  in  case  of  success  the  peo 
ple  would  be  honest  enough  to  pay  their  debts  ; 
and  there  was  much  danger  that  the  jealousies  be 
tween  the  states  as  to  their  proportionate  quotas 
might  stimulate  reluctance  and  furnish  excuses 


302  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

which  might  easily  become  serious  in  so  unpleasant 
a  matter  as  paying  out  hard  cash.  At  home  Con 
gress  could  manage  to  make  its  paper  money  per 
colate  among  the  people,  and  could  pay  a  good 
many  American  creditors  with  it ;  but  there  were 
some  who  would  not  be  thus  satisfied,  and  few 
European  creditors,  of  course,  would  meddle  with 
such  currency.  So  to  pay  these  people  who  would 
have  real  money  Congress  solicited  loans  from 
other  nations.  It  was  like  the  financiering  of  a 
schoolboy,  who  issues  his  I  O  U's  among  his  mates, 
and  refers  the  exacting  and  business-like  trades 
man  to  his  father.  France  was  cast  for  the  rdle 
of  father  to  the  Congressional  schoolboy  for  many 
wearisome  years. 

The  arrangement  bore  hard  upon  the  American 
representatives,  who,  at  European  courts  and  upon 
European  exchanges,  had  the  embarrassing  task  of 
raising  money.  It  was  all  very  well  to  talk  about 
negotiating  a  loan;  the  phrase  had  a  Micawber- 
like  sound  as  of  real  business ;  but  in  point  of  plain 
fact  the  thing  to  be  done  was  to  beg.  Congress 
had  a  comparatively  easy  time  of  it ;  such  burden 
and  anxiety  as  lay  upon  that  body  were  shared 
among  many  ;  and  after  all,  the  whole  scope  of  its 
duty  was  little  else  than  to  vote  requisitions  upon 
the  states,  to  order  the  printing  of  a  fresh  batch  of 
bills,  and  to  "  resolve  that  the  Treasury  Board  be 
directed  to  prepare  bills  of  exchange  of  suitable  de 
nominations  upon  the  Honorable  Benjamin  Frank 
lin  [or  sometimes  Jay,  or  Adams,  or  another],  min- 


FINANCIERING.  303 

ister  plenipotentiary  at  the  court  of  Versailles,  for 

-thousand   dollars   in   specie"      Having  done 

this,  Congress  had  fulfilled  its  simple  part,  and 
serenely  waited  for  something  to  turn  up. 

The  plan  which  seemed  most  effective  was  to 
send  a  representative  accredited  to  some  foreign 
government,  and  instructed  to  raise  money  at  once. 
Without  wasting  time  by  waiting  to  see  whether  he 
arrived  safely,  or  was  received,  or  was  successful  in 
his  negotiations,  the  next  ship  which  followed  him 
brought  drafts  and  bills  which  he  was  expected  to 
accept,  and  at  maturity  to  pay.  Having  thus  skill 
fully  shifted  the  laboring  oar  into  his  hands  Con 
gress  bestirred  itself  no  further.  Poor  Jay,  in 
Spain,  had  a  terrible  time  of  it  in  this  way,  and  if 
ever  a  man  was  placed  by  his  country  in  a  painful 
and  humiliating  position,  it  was  he.  He  faced  it 
gallantly,  but  had  to  be  carried  through  by  Frank 
lin.  From  first  to  last  it  was  upon  Franklin  that 
the  brunt  fell;  he  had  to  keep  the  country  from 
financial  failure  as  Washington  had  to  save  it  from 
military  failure  ;  he  was  the  real  financier  of  the 
Revolution  ;  without  him  Robert  Morris  would  have 
been  helpless.  Spain  yielded  but  trifling  sums  in 
response  to  Jay's  solicitations  ;  Holland,  which  was 
tried  by  Adams,  was  even  more  tardy  and  unwil 
ling,  though  towards  the  end  some  money  was  got 
there.  Franklin  alone,  at  Paris,  could  tap  the  rock 
and  make  the  waters  flow.  So  upon  him  Congress 
sent  in  an  endless  procession  of  drafts,  and  com 
pelled  him  to  pay  all  their  foreign  bills  and  indebt- 


304  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

edness ;  lie  gathered  and  he  disbursed ;  to  him  were 
referred  all  the  drafts  upon  Jay  and  others,  which 
they  themselves  could  not  pay,  and  he  discharged 
them  one  and  all.  A  heavier  task  never  fell  upon 
any  man,  nor  one  bringing  less  recognition ;  for 
money  matters  usually  seem  so  dry  and  unintelligi 
ble  that  every  one  shirks  informing  himself  about 
them.  We  read  about  the  horrors  of  the  winter 
camp  at  Valley  Forge,  and  we  shudder  at  all  the 
details  of  the  vivid  picture.  The  anxiety,  the  toil, 
the  humiliation,  which  Franklin  endured  for  many 
winters  and  many  summers  in  Paris,  in  sustaining 
the  national  credit,  do  not  make  a  picture,  do  not 
furnish  material  for  a  readable  chapter  in  history. 
Yet  many  a  man  would  far  rather  have  faced 
Washington's  lot  than  Franklin's. 

I  do  not  intend  to  tell  this  tale  at  length  or  mi 
nutely,  for  I  could  trust  no  reader  to  follow  me  in  so 
tedious  an  enterprise ;  yet  I  must  try  to  convey 
some  notion  of  what  this  financiering  really  meant 
for  Franklin,  of  how  ably  he  performed  it,  of  what 
it  cost  him  in  wear  and  tear  of  mind,  of  what  toil 
it  put  upon  him,  and  of  what  measure  of  gratitude 
was  due  to  him  for  it.  It  may  be  worth  mention 
ing  by  the  way  that  he  not  only  spent  himself  in 
efforts  to  induce  others  to  lend,  but  he  himself 
lent.  Before  he  embarked  for  Philadelphia  on  his 
French  mission,  he  gathered  together  all  that  he 
could  raise  in  money,  some  <£3,000  to  .£4,000,  and 
paid  it  over  as  an  unsecured  loan  for  an  indefinite 
period  to  the  Continental  Congress. 


FINANCIERING.  305 

It  is  not  probable  that  from  any  records  now  ex 
isting  the  most  patient  accountant  could  elicit  any 
statement,  even  approximating  to  accuracy,  of  the 
sums  which  Franklin  received  and  paid  out.  But 
if  such  an  account  could  be  drawn  up,  it  would 
only  indicate  some  results  in  figures  which  would 
have  little  meaning  for  persons  not  familiar  with 
the  national  debts,  revenues,  and  outlays  of  those 
times,  and  certainly  would  not  at  all  answer  the 
purpose  of  showing  what  he  really  did.  The  only 
satisfactory  method  of  giving  any  passably  clear 
idea  on  the  subject  seems  to  be  to  furnish  some 
extracts  from  his  papers. 

The  ship  which  brought  Franklin  also  brought 
indigo  to  the  value  of  £3,000,  which  was  to  serve 
as  long  as  it  could  for  the  expenses  of  the  commis 
sioners.  For  keeping  them  supplied  with  money 
later  on,  it  was  the  intention  of  Congress  to  pur 
chase  cargoes  of  American  products,  such  as  to 
bacco,  rice,  indigo,  etc.,  etc.,  and  consign  these  to 
the  commissioners,  who,  besides  paying  their  per 
sonal  bills,  were  sure  to  have  abundant  other  means 
for  using  the  proceeds.  Unfortunately,  however,  it 
so  happened  that  the  resources  presented  by  this 
scheme  were  already  exhausted.  In  January,  1777, 
a  loan  of  one  million  livres  had  been  advanced  on  a 
pledge  of  fifty-six  thousand  hogsheads  of  tobacco  to 
the  Farmers  General  of  the  French  revenue ;  and  the 
rice  and  indigo  had  been  in  like  manner  mortgaged 
to  Beaumarchais.  Congressional  jugglery  could  not 
quite  compass  the  payment  of  different  creditors 


306  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

with  the  same  money,  even  supposing  that  the 
money  came  to  hand.  But  it  did  not ;  for  a  long 
while  no  cargoes  arrived ;  of  those  that  were  dis 
patched,  some  were  run  away  with  by  dishonest 
ship-masters,  some  were  lost  at  sea,  others  were 
captured  by  the  English,  so  that  Franklin  sadly 
remarked  that  the  chief  result  was  that  the  enemy 
had  been  supplied  with  these  articles  for  nothing. 
But  he  preserved  his  resolute  cheerfulness.  "  The 
destroying  of  our  ships  by  the  English,"  he  said, 
"  is  only  like  shaving  our  beards,  that  will  grow 
again.  Their  loss  of  provinces  is  like  the  loss  of  a 
limb,  which  can  never  again  be  united  to  their  body." 
When  at  last  a  cargo  did  arrive,  Beaumarchais  de 
manded  it  as  his  own,  and  Franklin  at  last  yielded 
to  his  importunities  and  tears,  though  having  no 
really  sufficient  knowledge  of  his  right  to  it.  Later 
a  second  vessel  arrived,  and  Beaumarchais  endeav 
ored  to  pounce  upon  it  by  process  of  law.  That 
one  also  Franklin  let  him  have.  Then  no  more 
came,  and  this  promising  resource  seems  never  to 
have  yielded  one  dollar  for  Franklin's  use. 

Already  so  early  as  January  26,  1777,  it  was 
necessary  to  appeal  to  Thomas  Morris,  from  whom 
remittances  had  been  expected  on  account  of  sales 
made  at  Nantes :  "  You  must  be  sensible  how 
very  unbecoming  it  is  of  the  situation  we  are  in  to 
be  dependent  on  the  credit  of  others.  We  there 
fore  desire  that  you  will  remit  with  all  possible  ex 
pedition  the  sum  allotted  by  the  Congress  for  our 
expenses."  But  the  commissioners  appealed  in 
vain  to  this  worthless  drunkard 


FINANCIERING.  307 

Strange  to  say,  the  instructions  given  by  Con 
gress  to  the  commissioners  at  the  time  of  Frank 
lin's  appointment  said  nothing  about  borrowing 
money.  In  view  of  what  he  had  to  do  in  this  way 
it  was  a  singular  omission ;  but  it  was  soon  repaired 
by  letters.  In  March,  1777,  Franklin  writes  to 
Lee :  "  We  are  ordered  to  borrow  £2,000,000  on 
interest ;  "  also  to  "  build  six  ships  of  war,"  pre 
sumably  on  credit.  In  this  same  month  Franklin 
wrote  a  paper,  which  was  widely  circulated  in 
Europe,  in  which  he  endeavored  to  show  that  the 
honesty,  the  industry,  the  resources,  and  the  pros 
pects  of  the  United  States  were  so  excellent  that  it 
would  really  be  safer  to  lend  to  them  than  to  Eng 
land.  It  was  a  skillful  piece  of  work,  and  its  argu 
ments  had  evidently  persuaded  the  writer  himself  ; 
but  they  did  not  induce  the  money-lenders  of  the 
old  countries  to  accept  moral  qualities  and  proba 
bilities  as  collateral  security. 

Fair  success,  however,  was  soon  met  with  at  the 
court  of  France,  so  that  the  commissioners  had  the 
pleasure  of  assuring  Congress  that  they  could 
safely  be  depended  upon  to  meet  the  interest  on  a 
loan  of  $5, 000, 000,  which  by  this  aid  Congress 
probably  would  be  able  to  contract  for.  But  that 
body  had  no  idea  of  being  content  with  this  !  March 
17, 1778,  Franklin  writes  to  Lee  that  they  have  been 
drawn  upon  for  180,000  livres,  to  pay  old  indebt 
edness  of  the  army  in  Canada  ;  also  that  other  bills 
have  been  drawn.  The  number  and  gross  amount  of 
these  were  not  stated  in  the  advices ;  but  the  com- 


308  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

missioners  were  ordered  to  "  accept  them  when  they 
should  appear."  "  I  cannot  conceive,"  said  Franklin, 
"  what  encouragement  the  Congress  could  have  had 
from  any  of  us  to  draw  on  us  for  anything  but  that 
interest.  I  suppose  their  difficulties  have  compelled 
them  to  it.  I  see  we  shall  be  distressed  here  by 
these  proceedings,"  etc.,  etc.  Congress  was  com 
posed  of  men  far  too  shrewd  to  await  "  encourage 
ment  "  to  draw  for  money  ! 

July  22,  1778,  he  wrote  to  Lovell :  "  When  we 
engaged  to  Congress  to  pay  their  bills  for  the  inter 
est  of  the  sums  they  could  borrow,  we  did  not 
dream  of  their  drawing  on  us  for  other  occasions. 
We  have  already  paid  of  Congress's  drafts,  to  re 
turned  officers,  82,211  livres ;  and  we  know  not 
how  much  more  of  that  kind  we  have  to  pay,  be 
cause  the  committee  have  never  let  us  know  the 
amount  of  those  drafts,  or  their  account  of  them 
never  reached  us,  and  they  still  continue  coming  in. 
And  we  are  now  surprised  with  drafts  from  Mr. 
B.  for  100,000  more.  If  you  reduce  us  to  bank 
ruptcy  here  by  a  non-payment  of  your  drafts,  con 
sider  the  consequences.  In  my  humble  opinion  no 
drafts  should  be  made  on  us  without  first  learning 
from  us  that  we  shall  be  able  to  answer  them." 

Congress  could  not  fairly  exact  great  accuracy 
from  the  drawees  of  its  bills,  when  it  never  took 
pains  to  give  notice  of  the  facts  of  the  drawing,  of 
the  number  of  bills  drawn,  of  dates,  or  amounts  ;  in 
a  word,  really  gave  no  basis  for  account-keeping  or 
identification.  No  more  helter-skelter  way  of  con- 


FINANCIERING.  309 

ducting  business  has  ever  been  seen  since  modern 
business  methods  were  invented.  The  system,  if 
system  it  may  be  called,  would  have  been  aggra 
vating  and  confusing  enough  under  any  condition 
of  attendant  circumstances ;  but  it  so  happened 
that  all  attendant  circumstances  tended  to  increase 
rather  than  to  mitigate  the  difficulties  created  by 
the  carelessness  of  Congress.  One  naturally  fan 
cies  that  a  nation  deals  in  few  and  large  transac 
tions,  that  these  drafts  may  have  been  for  inconven 
iently  large  sums,  but  that  at  least  they  probably 
were  not  numerous.  The  precise  contrary  was  the 
case.  The  drafts  were  countless,  and  often  were 
for  very  petty  amounts,  much  as  if  a  prosperous 
merchant  were  drawing  cheques  to  pay  his  ordinary 
expenses.  Further,  the  uncertainty  of  the  passage 
across  the  Atlantic  led  to  these  bills  appearing  at 
all  sorts  of  irregular  times  ;  seconds  often  came  to 
hand  before  firsts,  and  thirds  before  either ;  the 
bills  were  often  very  old  when  presented.  Knaves 
took  advantage  of  these  facts  fraudulently  to  alter 
seconds  and  thirds  into  firsts,  so  that  extreme  care 
had  to  be  taken  to  prevent  constant  duplication 
and  even  triplication  of  payments.  It  would  have 
taken  much  of  the  time  of  an  experienced  banker's 
clerk  to  keep  the  bill  and  draft  department  in  cor 
rect  shape.  It  is  not  improbable  that  Congress  lost 
a  good  deal  of  money  by  undetected  rascalities,  but 
if  so  the  fault  lay  with  that  body  itself,  not  with 
Franklin. 

Amid  the  harassments  of  these  demands,  Frank- 


310  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

lin  was  much  vexed  by  the  conduct  of  Arthur  Lee 
and  Izard  in  drawing  money  for  their  own  ex 
penses.  In  February,  1778,  each  insisted  that  he 
should  be  allowed  a  credit  with  the  banker,  M. 
Grand,  to  an  amount  of  ,£2,000,  as  each  then  ex 
pected  to  depart  on  a  mission.  Franklin  reluc 
tantly  assented,  and  was  then  astonished  and  in 
dignant  to  find  that  each  at  once  drew  out  the  full 
sum  from  the  national  account ;  yet  neither  went 
upon  his  journey.  In  January,  1779,  Izard  applied 
for  more.  Franklin's  anger  was  stirred ;  Izard  was 
a  man  of  handsome  private  property,  and  was  ren 
dering  no  service  in  Paris  ;  and  his  requirements 
seemed  to  Franklin  eminently  unpatriotic  and  ex 
orbitant.  He  therefore  refused  the  request,  writ 
ing  to  Izard  a  letter  which  is  worth  quoting,  both 
from  the  tone  of  its  patriotic  appeal  and  as  a  vivid 
sketch  of  the  situation :  — 

"  Your  intimation  that  you  expect  more  money  from 
us  obliges  us  to  expose  to  you  our  circumstances.  Upon 
the  supposition  that  Congress  had  borrowed  in  America 
but  $5,000,000,  and  relying  on  the  remittances  intended 
to  be  sent  to  us  for  answering  other  demands,  we  gave 
expectations  that  we  should  be  able  to  pay  here  the  in 
terest  of  that  sum  as  a  means  of  supporting  the  credit  of 
the  currency.  The  Congress  have  borrowed  near  twice 
that  sum,  and  are  now  actually  drawing  on  us  for  the 
interest,  the  bills  appearing  here  daily  for  acceptance. 
Their  distress  for  money  in  America  has  been  so  great 
from  the  enormous  expense  of  the  war  that  they  have 
also  been  induced  to  draw  on  us  for  very  large  sums  to 


FINANCIERING.  311 

stop  other  pressing  demands  ;  and  they  have  not  been 
able  to  purchase  remittances  for  us  to  the  extent  they 
proposed  ;  and  of  what  they  have  sent,  much  has  been 
taken,  or  treacherously  carried  into  England,  only  two 
small  cargoes  of  tobacco  having  arrived,  and  they  are 
long  since  mortgaged  to  the  Farmers  General,  so  that 
they  produce  us  nothing,  but  leave  us  expenses  to  pay. 

"  The  continental  vessels  of  war  which  come  to  France 
have  likewise  required  great  sums  of  us  to  furnish  and 
refit  them  and  supply  the  men  with  necessaries.  The 
prisoners,  too,  who  escape  from  England  claim  a  very 
expensive  assistance  from  us,  and  are  much  dissatisfied 
with  the  scanty  allowance  we  are  able  to  afford  them. 
The  interest  bills  above  mentioned,  of  the  drawing  of 
which  we  have  received  notice,  amount  to  $2,500,000, 
and  we  have  not  a  fifth  part  of  the  sum  in  our  banker's 
hands  to  answer  them  ;  and  large  orders  to  us  from  Con 
gress  for  supplies  of  clothing,  arms,  and  ammunition  re 
main  uncomplied  with  for  want  of  money. 

"  In  this  situation  of  our  affairs,  we  hope  you  will  not 
insist  on  our  giving  you  a  farther  credit  with  our  banker, 
with  whom  we  are  daily  in  danger  of  having  no  farther 
credit  ourselves.  It  is  not  a  year  since  you  received 
from  us  the  sum  of  2,000  guineas,  which  you  thought 
necessary  on  account  of  your  being  to  set  out  immedi 
ately  for  Florence.  You  have  not  incurred  the  expense 
of  that  journey.  You  are  a  gentleman  of  fortune.  You 
did  not  come  to  France  with  any  dependence  on  being 
maintained  here  with  your  family  at  the  expense  of  the 
United  States,  in  the  time  of  their  distress,  and  without 
rendering  them  the  equivalent  service  they  expected. 

"On  all  these  considerations  we  should  rather  hope 
that  you  would  be  willing  to  reimburse  us  the  sum  we 


312  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

have  advanced  to  you,  if  it  may  be  done  with  any  pos 
sible  convenience  to  your  affairs.  Such  a  supply  would 
at  least  enable  us  to  relieve  more  liberally  our  unfortu 
nate  countrymen,  who  have  long  been  prisoners,  stripped 
of  everything,  of  whom  we  daily  expect  to  have  nearly 
three  hundred  upon  our  hands  by  the  exchange." 

At  this  same  time  Franklin  wrote  to  Congress  to 
explain  how  it  had  happened  that  so  large  a  sum 
as  £4,000  had  been  allowed  to  these  gentlemen ; 
for  he  feared  that  this  liberality  might  "subject 
the  commissioners  to  censure."  The  explanation 
was  so  discreditable  to  Lee  and  Izard  that  it  is 
charitable  to  think  that  there  was  some  misunder 
standing  between  the  parties.1  The  matter  nat 
urally  rankled,  and  in  May  Franklin  wrote  that 
there  was  much  anger  against  him,  that  he  was 
charged  with  "  disobeying  an  order  of  Congress, 
and  with  cruelly  attempting  to  distress  gentlemen 
who  were  in  the  service  of  their  country." 

"  They  have  indeed,"  he  said,  "  produced  to  me  a  re 
solve  of  Congress  empowering  them  to  draw  .  .  .  for 
their  expenses  at  foreign  courts ;  and  doubtless  Congress, 
when  that  resolve  was  made,  intended  to  enable  us  to 
pay  those  drafts  ;  but  as  that  has  not  been  done,  and 
the  gentlemen  (except  Mr.  Lee  for  a  few  weeks)  have 
not  incurred  any  expense  at  foreign  courts,  and,  if  they 
had,  the  5,500  guineas  received  by  them  in  about  nine 
months  seemed  an  ample  provision  for  it,  ...  I  do  not 
conceive  that  I  disobeyed  an  order  of  Congress,  and 
that  if  I  did  the  circumstances  will  excuse  it.  ...  In 

1  See  Franklin's  Works,  vi.  294. 


FINANCIERING.  313 

short,  the  dreadful  consequences  of  ruin  to  our  public 
credit,  both  in  America  and  Europe,  that  must  attend 
the  protesting  a  single  Congress  draft  for  interest,  after 
our  funds  were  out,  would  have  weighed  with  me  against 
the  payment  of  more  money  to  those  gentlemen,  if  the 
demand  had  otherwise  been  well  founded.  I  am,  how 
ever,  in  the  judgment  of  Congress,  and  if  I  have  done 
amiss,  must  submit  dutifully  to  their  censure." 

Burgoyne's  surrender  had  a  market  value ;  it 
was  worth  ready  money  in  France  and  Spain. 
Upon  the  strength  of  it  the  former  lent  the  States 
3,000,000  livres  ;  and  the  like  amount  was  engaged 
for  by  Spain.  But,  says  Bancroft,  "  when  Arthur 
Lee,  who  was  equally  disesteemed  in  Versailles  and 
Madrid,  heard  of  the  money  expected  of  Spain, 
he  talked  and  wrote  so  much  about  it  that  the 
Spanish  government,  who  wished  to  avoid  a  rup 
ture  with  England,  took  alarm,  and  receded  from 
its  intention."  l 

In  February  and  March,  1779,  came  demands 
from  the  officers  of  the  frigate  Alliance  for  their 
pay ;  but  Franklin  was  "  neither  furnished  with 
money  nor  authority  for  such  purposes."  It 
seemed,  however,  too  hard  to  tell  these  gallant  fel 
lows,  whose  perilous  and  useful  service  was  in  Eu 
ropean  waters,  that  they  could  not  have  a  dollar 
until  they  should  get  safely  back  to  the  States ;  so 
Franklin  agreed  to  pay  for  one  suit  of  clothes  for 
each  of  them.  But  he  begged  them  to  be  as 
"  frugal  as  possible,"  and  not  make  themselves 
1  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  &,  ix  480. 


314  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

"  expensively  fine  "  from  a  notion  that  it  was  for 
the  honor  of  the  States,  which  could  be  better  pro 
moted  in  more  sensible  ways. 

May  26,  1779,  he  complains  to  the  committee 
of  foreign  affairs  that,  whereas  the  commissioners 
had  agreed  to  find  in  Paris  means  of  paying  inter 
est  on  a  loan  of  $5,000,000,  that  loan  had  been 
doubled,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  they  had  been 
"  drained  by  a  number  of  unforeseen  expenses," 
including  "  orders  and  drafts  "  of  Congress.  "  And 
now,"  he  says,  "  the  drafts  of  the  treasurer  of  the 
loans  coming  very  fast  upon  me,  the  anxiety  I 
have  suffered  and  the  distress  of  mind  lest  I  should 
not  be  able  to  pay  them,  have  for  a  long  time  been 
very  great  indeed.  To  apply  again  to  this  court 
for  money  for  a  particular  purpose,  which  they  had 
already  over  and  over  again  provided  for  and  fur 
nished  us,  was  extremely  awkward."  One  would 
think  so,  indeed !  So  he  fell  back  on  a  "  general 
application  "  made  some  time  before,  and  received 
naturally  the  general  answer  that  France  herself 
was  being  put  to  enormous  expenses,  which  were 
aiding  the  States  as  efficiently  as  a  direct  loan  of 
money  could  do.  The  most  he  could  extort  was 
the  king's  guaranty  for  the  payment  of  the  interest 
on  $3,000,000,  provided  that  sum  could  be  raised 
in  Holland.  The  embarrassing  fact  was  that  the 
plea  of  poverty  advanced  by  the  French  govern 
ment  was  perfectly  valid.  Turgot  said  so,  and  no 
man  knew  better  than  Turgot.  He  had  lately 
told  the  king  that  even  on  a  peace  footing  the 


FINANCIERING.  315 

annual  expenditures  exceeded  the  annual  receipts 
of  the  exchequer  by  20,000,000  livres  ;  and  he  even 
talked  seriously  of  an  avowal  of  national  bank 
ruptcy.  The  events  preceding  the  French  Revolu 
tion  soon  proved  that  this  great  statesman  did  not 
exaggerate  the  ill  condition  of  affairs.  Yet  instead 
of  practicing  rigid  prudence  and  economy,  France 
had  actually  gone  into  a  costly  war  for  the  benefit 
of  America.  It  was  peculiarly  disagreeable  to  be 
ceaselessly  appealing  for  money  to  an  impoverished 
friend. 

Another  vexation  was  found  in  the  way  in  which 
the  agents  of  the  various  individual  states  soon 
began  to  scour  Europe  in  quest  of  money.  First 
they  applied  to  Franklin,  and  "  seemed  to  think  it 
his  duty  as  minister  for  the  United  States  to  sup 
port  and  enforce  their  particular  demands."  But 
the  foreigners,  probably  not  understanding  these 
separate  autonomies,  did  not  relish  these  requisi 
tions,  and  Franklin  found  that  he  could  no  nothing. 
On  the  contrary,  he  was  hampered  in  effecting 
loans  on  the  national  credit ;  for  these  state  agents, 
hurrying  clamorously  hither  and  thither,  gave  an 
impression  of  poverty  and  injured  the  reputation  of 
the  country,  which,  indeed,  was  already  low  enough 
upon  the  exchanges  without  any  such  gratuitous  im 
pairment. 

February  19,  1780,  there  was  an  application 
from  John  Paul  Jones  for  money  for  repairs  on  his 
ships.  Franklin  approved  keeping  the  vessels  in 
serviceable  condition,  but  added :  "  Let  me  repeat, 


316  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

for  God's  sake  be  sparing,  unless  you  mean  to  make 
me  a  bankrupt,  or  have  your  drafts  dishonored  for 
want  of  money  in  my  hands  to  pay  them." 

May  31,  1780,  he  complains  that  he  has  been  re 
proached  by  one  of  the  congressional  agents  whose 
unauthorized  drafts  he  had  refused.  He  has  been 
drawn  upon  by  Congress,  he  says,  for  much  more 
than  the  interest,  which  only  he  had  agreed  to 
furnish,  and  he  has  answered  every  demand,  and 
supported  their  credit  in  Europe.  "  But  if  every 
agent  of  Congress  in  different  parts  of  the  world 
is  permitted  to  run  in  debt,  and  draw  upon  me  at 
pleasure  to  support  his  credit,  under  the  idea  of 
its  being  necessary  to  do  so  for  the  honor  of  Con 
gress,  the  difficulty  upon  me  will  be  too  great,  and 
I  may  in  fine  be  obliged  to  protest  the  interest 
bills.  I  therefore  beg  that  a  stop  may  be  put  to 
such  irregular  proceedings."  It  was  a  reasonable 
prayer,  but  had  no  effect.  Franklin  continued  to 
be  regarded  as  paymaster-general  for  the  States  in 
Europe. 

We  next  hear  of  his  troubles  in  paying  the  bills 
which  Congress,  according  to  its  usual  custom,  was 
drawing  upon  Jay.  They  sent  Jay  to  Spain,  and 
told  him  to  borrow  money  there  ;  and  as  soon  as 
they  had  got  him  fairly  at  sea,  they  began  draw 
ing  drafts  upon  him.  He  soon  found  himself,  as 
he  said,  in  a  "  cruel  situation,"  and  the  torture 
of  mind  which  he  endured  and  the  responsibil 
ity  which  he  assumed  are  well  known.  He  coura 
geously  accepted  the  bills,  trusting  to  Providence 


FINANCIERING.  317 

and  to  Franklin,  who  seemed  the  agent  of  Provi 
dence,  to  arrange  for  their  payment.  Franklin 
did  not  fail  him.  One  of  Jay's  earliest  letters  to 
Franklin  said :  "  I  have  no  reason  as  yet  to  think 
a  loan  here  will  be  practicable.  Bills  on  me  ar 
rive  daily.  Be  pleased  to  send  me  a  credit  for  the 
residue  of  our  salaries."  Five  days  later  :  "  Bills 
to  the  amount  of  $100,000  have  arrived.  A  loan 
cannot  be  effected  here."  And  so  on.  In  April, 
1781,  his  appeal  became  pathetic :  "  Our  situation 
here  is  daily  becoming  more  disagreeable  from  the 
want  of  our  salaries  ;  to  be  obliged  to  contract 
debts  and  live  on  credit  is  terrible.  I  have  not  to 
this  day  received  a  shilling  from  America,  and  we 
should  indeed  have  been  greatly  distressed,  had  it 
not  been  for  your  good  offices."  An  American 
minister  without  resources  to  pay  his  butcher  and 
his  grocer,  his  servant  and  his  tailor,  presented  a 
spectacle  which  moved  Franklin  to  great  efforts  ! 
In  plain  truth,  Jay  and  his  secretary,  Carmichael, 
were  dependent  upon  Franklin  for  everything ; 
they  not  only  drew  on  him  for  their  salaries  to  pay 
daily  household  expenses,  but  they  sent  him  lists  of 
the  bills  accepted  by  them  for  the  "  honor  of  Con 
gress,"  and  which  they  had  no  means  of  paying. 
It  was  fortunate  that  these  two  men  were  willing 
to  incur  such  peril  and  anxiety  in  behalf  of  this 
same  "  honor  of  Congress,"  which  otherwise  would 
soon  have  been  basely  discredited ;  for  that  body 
itself  was  superbly  indifferent  on  the  subject,  and 
did  not  pretend  to  keep  faith  even  with  its  own 


agents. 


318  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Thus  matters  continued  to  the  end.  Congress 
pledged  itself  not  to  draw  bills,  and  immediately 
drew  them  in  batches.  Jay  could  report  to  Frank 
lin  only  scant  and  reluctant  promises  won  from  the 
Spanish  court ;  and  small  as  these  engagements 
were,  they  were  ill  kept.  Perhaps  they  could  not 
be  kept ;  for,  as  Jay  wrote,  there  was  "  little  coin 
in  Egypt,"  the  country  was  really  poor.  So  the 
end  of  it  always  was  that  Franklin  remained  as 
the  only  resource  for  payments,  to  be  made  week 
after  week,  of  all  sorts  of  sums  ranging  from  little 
bills  upon  vessels  up  to  great  totals  of  $150,000  or 
$ 230,000  upon  bankers'  demands.  Such  was  the 
burden  of  a  song  which  had  many  more  woful 
stanzas  than  can  be  repeated  here. 

By  way  of  affording  some  sort  of  encouragement 
to  the  French  court,  Franklin  now  proposed  that 
the  United  States  government  should  furnish  the 
French  fleet  and  forces  in  the  States  with  provi 
sions,  of  which  the  cost  could  be  offset,  to  the  small 
extent  that  it  would  go,  against  French  loans.  It 
seemed  a  satisfactory  arrangement,  and  France 
assented  to  it. 

At  the  same  time  he  wrote  to  Adams  that  he 
had  "  long  been  humiliated  with  the  idea  of  our 
running  about  from  court  to  court  begging  for 
money  and  friendship,  which  are  the  more  with 
held  the  more  eagerly  they  are  solicited,  and  would 
perhaps  have  been  offered  if  they  had  not  been 
asked.  The  proverb  says,  God  helps  them  that 
help  themselves ;  and  the  world  too,  in  this  sense, 


FINANCIERING.  319 

is  very  godly."  This  was  an  idea  to  which  he 
more  than  once  recurred.  In  March,  1782,  in  the 
course  of  a  long  letter  to  Livingston,  he  said  :  "  A 
small  increase  of  industry  in  every  American,  male 
and  female,  with  a  small  diminution  of  luxury, 
would  produce  a  sum  far  superior  to  all  we  can 
hope  to  beg  or  borrow  from  all  our  friends  in 
Europe."  He  reiterated  the  same  views  again 
in  March,  and  again  in  December,  and  doubtless 
much  oftener.1  No  man  was  more  earnest  in  the 
doctrine  that  every  individual  American  owed  his 
strenuous  and  unremitting  personal  assistance  to 
the  cause.  It  was  a  practical  as  well  as  a  noble 
patriotism  which  he  felt,  preached,  and  exempli 
fied  ;  and  it  was  thoroughly  characteristic  of  the 
man. 

What  was  then  the  real  financial  capacity  of  the 
people,  and  whether  they  did  their  utmost  in  the 
way  of  raising  money  to  support  the  Revolution,  is 
a  question  about  which  it  is  easy  to  express  an 
opinion,  but  difficult  to  prove  its  accuracy  by  con 
vincing  evidence.  On  the  one  hand,  it  is  true  that 
the  strain  was  extreme  and  that  much  was  done 
to  meet  it ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  no  less  true 
that  even  beneath  this  stress  the  national  pros 
perity  actually  made  a  considerable  advance  dur 
ing  the  war.  The  people  as  a  whole  gathered 
money  rather  than  impoverished  themselves.  In 
the  country  at  large  the  commercial  instinct  fully 
held  its  own  in  competition  with  the  spirit  of  inde- 
1  Franklin's  Works,  vii.  404 ;  viii.  236. 


320  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

pendence.  There  was  not  much  forswearing  of 
little  luxuries.  Franklin  said  that  he  learned  by 
inquiry  that  of  the  interest  money  which  was 
disbursed  in  Paris  most  was  laid  out  for  "  super 
fluities,  and  more  than  half  of  it  for  tea."  He 
computed  that  £500,000  were  annually  expended 
in  the  States  for  tea  alone.  This  sum,  "annually 
laid  out  in  defending  ourselves  or  annoying  our 
enemies,  would  have  great  effect.  With  what  face 
can  we  ask  aids  and  subsidies  from  our  friends, 
while  we  are  wasting  our  own  wealth  in  such 
prodigality  ?  " 

Henry  Laurens,  dispatched  as  minister  to  the 
Hague  in  1780,  was  captured  on  the  voyage  and 
carried  into  England.  But  this  little  incident  mat 
tered  not  at  all  to  the  Congress,  which  for  a  long 
while  cheerfully  drew  a  great  number  of  bills  upon 
the  poor  gentleman,  who,  held  in  the  Tower  of 
London  as  a  traitor,  was  hardly  in  a  position  to 
negotiate  large  loans  for  his  fellow  "  rebels."  In 
October,  1780,  these  bills  began  to  flutter  down 
upon  Franklin's  desk,  drawn  by  a  sort  of  natural 
gravitation.  He  felt  "  obliged  to  accept  them,"  and 
said  that  he  should  "  with  some  difficulty  be  able 
to  pay  them,  though  these  extra  demands  often  em 
barrass  me  exceedingly." 

November  19,  1780,  he  wrote  to  de  Vergennes 
announcing  that  Congress  had  notified  him  of 
drafts  to  the  amount  of  about  1,400,000  livres, 
(about  1280,000).  The  reply  was:  "You  can 
easily  imagine  my  astonishment  at  your  request  of 


FINANCIERING.  321 

the  necessary  funds  to  meet  these  drafts,  since  you 
perfectly  well  know  the  extraordinary  efforts  which 
I  have  made  thus  far  to  assist  you  and  support  your 
credit,  and  especially  since  you  cannot  have  for 
gotten  the  demands  you  lately  made  upon  me. 
Nevertheless,  sir,  I  am  very  desirous  of  assisting 
you  out  of  the  embarrassed  situation  in  which  these 
repeated  drafts  of  Congress  have  placed  you ;  and 
for  this  purpose  I  shall  endeavor  to  procure  for 
you,  for  the  next  year,  the  same  aid  that  I  have 
been  able  to  furnish  in  the  course  of  the  present. 
I  cannot  but  believe,  sir,  that  Congress  will  faith 
fully  abide  by  what  it  now  promises  you,  that  in 
future  no  drafts  shall  be  made  upon  you  unless 
the  necessary  funds  are  sent  to  meet  them." 

Such  a  letter,  though  only  gratitude  could  be 
felt  for  it,  must  have  stung  the  sensitiveness  of 
Franklin,  who  had  already  a  great  national  pride. 
Nor  was  the  pain  likely  to  be  assuaged  by  the  con 
duct  of  Congress  ;  for  that  body  had  not  the  slight 
est  idea  of  keeping  the  promises  upon  which  de 
Vergennes  expressed  a  reliance  perhaps  greater 
than  he  really  felt.  It  is  not  without  annoyance, 
even  now,  that  one  reads  that  only  two  days  after 
the  French  minister  wrote  this  letter,  Congress  in 
structed  Franklin  to  do  some  more  begging  for 
clothes,  and  for  the  aid  of  a  fleet,  and  said  :  "  With 
respect  to  the  loan,  we  foresee  that  the  sum  which 
we  ask  will  be  greatly  inadequate  to  our  wants." 

December  2,  1780,  Franklin  acknowledges  "  fav 
ors,"  a  conventional  phrase  which  seems  sarcastic. 


322  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

These  tell  him  that  Congress  has  resolved  to  draw 
on  him  "  bills  extraordinary,  to  the  amount  of  near 
$300,000."  These  were  doubtless  what  led  to  the 
foregoing  correspondence  with  de  Vergennes.  In 
reply  he  says  that  he  has  already  engaged  himself 
for  the  bills  drawn  on  Mr.  Laurens,  and  adds : 
"  You  cannot  conceive  how  much  these  things  per 
plex  and  distress  me  ;  for  the  practice  of  this  gov 
ernment  being  yearly  to  apportion  the  revenue  to 
the  several  expected  services,  any  after  demands 
made,  which  the  treasury  is  not  furnished  to  sup 
ply,  meet  with  great  difficulty,  and  are  very  dis 
agreeable  to  the  ministers." 

A  short  fragment  of  a  diary  kept  in  1781  gives 
a  painful  vision  of  the  swarm  of  bills  :  — 

"  Jan,  6.  Accepted  a  number  of  loan  office  bills  this 
day,  and  every  day  of  the  past  week. 

"  Sunday,  Jan.  7.  Accepted  a  vast  number  of  loan  of 
fice  bills.  Some  of  the  new  drafts  begin  to  appear. 

"  Jan.  8.  Accepted  many  bills. 

"  Jan.  10th.  Informed  that  my  recall  is  to  be  moved 
for  in  Congress. 

"  Jan.  12th.  Sign  acceptation  [qu.  "  of  "  ?  mutilated] 
many  bills.  They  come  thick. 

"  Jan.  15th.  Accepted  above  200  bills,  some  of  the 
new. 

"  Jan.  17th.  Accepted  many  bills. 

"  Jan.  22d.  M.  Grand  informs  me  that  Mr.  Williams 
has  drawn  on  me  for  25,000  livres  ;  .  .  .  I  order  pay 
ment  of  his  drafts. 

"  Jan.  24th.  A  great  number  of  bills. 

"  Jan.  26th.  Accept  bills." 


FINANCIERING.  323 

February  13th  he  writes  a  general  begging  and 
stimulating  letter  to  de  Vergennes.  He  says  that 
the  plain  truth  is  that  the  present  situation  in  the 
States  "  makes  one  of  two  things  essential  to  us  — 
a  peace,  or  the  most  vigorous  aid  of  our  allies,  par 
ticularly  in  the  article  of  money.  .  .  .  The  present 
conjuncture  is  critical ;  there  is  some  danger  lest 
the  Congress  should  lose  its  influence  over  the 
people,  if  it  is  found  unable  to  procure  the  aids 
that  are  wanted ;  "  and  in  that  case  the  opportu 
nity  for  separation  is  gone,  "  perhaps  for  ages." 
A  few  days  later  he  was  "  under  the  necessity  of 
being  importunate  for  an  answer  to  the  application 
lately  made  for  stores  and  money."  De  Vergennes 
replied,  in  an  interview,  that  Franklin  must  know 
that  for  France  to  lend  the  25,000,000  livres  asked 
for  was  "  at  present  impracticable."  Also  his  ex 
cellency  mentioned  other  uncomfortable  and  dis 
tasteful  facts,  but  concluded  by  saying  that  the 
king,  as  a  "  signal  proof  of  his  friendship,"  would 
make  a  free  gift  of  6,000,000  livres,  in  addition 
to  3,000,000  recently  furnished  for  interest  drafts. 
But  the  French  court  had  at  last  so  far  lost  confi 
dence  in  Congress  that  in  order  to  make  sure  that 
this  money  should  be  applied  ia  aid  of  the  army, 
and  not  be  vaguely  absorbed  by  committees,  a 
stipulation  was  inserted  that  it  should  be  paid  only 
upon  the  order  of  General  Washington.  This  was 
a  trifle  insulting  to  Congress,  and  made  trouble ; 
and  it  seems  that  ultimately  the  sum  was  intrusted 
to  Franklin. 


324  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Almost  immediately  afterward  he  extorted  from 
Necker  an  agreement  that  the  king  of  France  would 
guaranty  a  loan  of  10,000,000  livres,  if  it  could  be 
raised  in  Holland  ;  and  upon  these  terms  he  was 
able  to  raise  this  sum.  Trouble  enough  the  pos 
session  of  it  soon  gave  him  ;  for  the  demands  for  it 
were  numerous.  Franklin  needed  it  to  keep  himself 
solvent  in  Europe  ;  Congress  greedily  sought  it  for 
America  ;  William  Jackson,  who  was  buying  sup 
plies  in  Holland,  required  much  of  it  there.  Frank 
lin  was  expected  to  repeat  with  it  the  miracle  of 
the  loaves  and  fishes.  2,500,000  livres  he  sent 
to  the  States  in  the  same  ship  which  carried  John 
Laurens.  2,200,000  Laurens  disposed  of  in  pur 
chasing  goods  ;  1,500,000  were  sent  to  Holland  to 
be  thence  sent  to  the  States  in  another  ship,  so  as 
to  divide  the  risk.  But  while  he  thus  took  care  of 
others,  he  himself  was  drawn  upon  by  Jackson  for 
,£50, 000 ;  and  at  the  same  time  he  was  expected  to 
provide  for  all  the  bills  accepted  by  Laurens,  Jay, 
and  Adams,  and  now  rapidly  maturing.  He  sent 
in  haste  to  Holland  to  detain  the  1,500,000  livres 
in  transitu.  "  I  am  sorry,"  he  said,  "  that  this 
operation  is  necessary  ;  but  it  must  be  done,  or 
the  consequences  will  be  terrible." 

Laurens  and  Jackson,  however,  in  Holland  had 
been  actually  spending  this  sum,  and  more.  "I 
applaud  the  zeal  you  have  both  shown  in  the 
affair,"  said  the  harassed  doctor,  "  but  1  see  that 
nobody  cares  how  much  I  am  distressed,  provided 
they  can  carry  their  own  points."  Fortunately  the 


FINANCIERING.  325 

money  still  lay  in  the  hands  of  the  banker,  and 
there  Franklin  stopped  it ;  whereupon  Jackson  fell 
into  extreme  rage,  and  threatened  some  sort  of  a 
"  proceeding,"  which  Franklin  said  would  only  be 
exceedingly  imprudent,  useless,  and  scandalous. 
"  The  noise  rashly  made  about  this  matter  "  by 
Jackson  naturally  injured  American  credit  in  Hol 
land,  and  especially  rendered  unmarketable  his 
own  drafts  upon  Franklin.  In  these  straits  he 
journeyed  to  Paris  to  see  Franklin,  represented 
that  his  goods  were  on  board  ship  ;  that  they  were 
articles  much  needed  in  America  ;  that  they  must 
be  paid  for,  or  else  relanded  and  returned,  or  sold, 
which  would  be  a  public  disgrace.  So  Franklin 
was  prevailed  upon  to  engage  for  the  payment, 
and  was  "  obliged  to  go  with  this  afterclap  to  the 
ministers,"  a  proceeding  especially  disagreeable  be 
cause,  as  he  said,  "  the  money  was  to  be  paid  for 
the  manufactures  of  other  countries  and  not  laid 
out  in  those  of  this  kingdom,  by  whose  friendship 
it  was  furnished."  He  was  at  first  "  absolutely  re 
fused,"  but  in  time  prevailed,  and  "  hoped  the  dif 
ficulty  was  over."  Not  at  all !  After  all  this  ex 
ertion  and  annoyance,  the  officers  of  the  ship  said 
she  was  overloaded,  and  turned  out  a  large  part  of 
the  goods,  which  were  accordingly  put  into  two 
other  ships ;  and  then  Franklin  was  offered  the  op 
tion  of  buying  these  two  vessels,  of  hiring  them  at 
a  freight  scarcely  less  than  their  value,  or  of  hav 
ing  the  goods  again  set  on  shore.  He  was  now 
"  ashamed  to  show  his  face  to  the  minister,"  and 


326  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

was  casting  about  for  resources,  when  suddenly  he 
was  surprised  by  new  demands  to  pay  for  the  goods 
which  he  had  every  reason  to  believe  had  already 
been  paid  for.  This  produced  such  a  dispute  and 
complication  that  the  goods  remained  long  in  Hol 
land  before  affairs  could  be  arranged,  and  the  final 
settlement  is  not  clearly  to  be  made  out. 

In  the  spring  of  1781  John  Adams  was  in  Hol 
land,  and  of  course  Congress  was  drawing  bills 
upon  him,  and  equally  of  course  he  had  not  a 
stiver  with  which  to  meet  them.  He  had  "  opened 
a  loan,"  but  so  little  had  fallen  into  the  opening 
that  he  was  barely  able  to  pay  expenses ;  so,  still 
of  course,  he  turned  to  Franklin :  "  When  they 
[the  bills]  arrive  and  are  presented  I  must  write 
to  you  concerning  them,  and  desire  you  to  enable 
me  to  discharge  them."  He  added  that  it  was  a 
"grievous  mortification  to  find  that  America  has 
no  credit  here,  while  England  certainly  still  has  so 
much."  Apparently  the  pamphlet  in  which  Frank 
lin  had  so  convincingly  shown  that  the  reverse  of 
this  should  be  the  case  had  not  satisfied  the  minds 
of  the  Dutch  bankers. 

In  July,  1781,  came  a  broad  hint  from  Robert 
Morris :  "  I  will  not  doubt  a  moment  that,  at  your 
instance,  his  majesty  will  make  pressing  represen 
tations  in  support  of  Mr.  Jay's  application,  and  I 
hope  that  the  authority  of  so  great  a  sovereign  and 
the  arguments  of  his  able  ministry  will  shed  aus 
picious  influence  on  our  negotiations  at  Madrid." 
This  fulsome  language,  intended  of  course  to  be 


FINANCIERING.  327 

read  to  de  Vergeimes,  imposed  the  gratifying  duty 
of  begging  the  French  minister  to  second  American 
begging  in  Spain. 

In  the  same  month  Franklin  wrote  to  Morris 
that  the  French  were  vexed  at  the  purchasing  of 
goods  in  Holland,  and  would  not  furnish  the  money 
to  pay  for  them,  and  he  actually  suggested  a  re 
mittance  from  America !  "  Otherwise  I  shall  be 
ruined,  with  the  American  credit  in  Europe."  He 
might  have  had  some  motive  besides  patriotism  in 
thus  uniting  himself  with  the  credit  of  his  country ; 
for  he  had  been  warned  that  the  consul's  court  in 
Paris  had  power  even  over  the  persons  of  foreign 
ministers  in  the  case  of  bills  of  exchange. 

September  12,  1781,  he  announces  triumphantly 
that  "the  remittances  .  .  .  which  I  requested  are 
now  unnecessary,  and  I  shall  finish  the  year  with 
honor,"  notwithstanding  "  drafts  on  Mr.  Jay  and 
on  Mr.  Adams  much  exceeding  what  I  had  been 
made  to  expect." 

He  was  now  informed  that  Congress  would  not 
draw  upon  other  ministers  without  providing  funds, 
but  that  they  would  continue  to  draw  on  him 
"funds  or  no  funds,"  an  invidious  distinction 
which  "  terrified "  him  ;  for  he  had  been  obliged 
to  promise  de  Vergennes  not  to  accept  any  drafts 
drawn  later  than  March,  1781,  unless  he  should 
have  in  hand  or  in  view  funds  sufficient  to  pay 
them.  But  before  long  he  began  to  suspect  that 
Congress  could  outwit  the  French  minister.  For 
so  late  as  January,  1782,  bills  dated  prior  to  the 


328  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

preceding  April  were  still  coming ;  and  he  said : 
"  I  begin  to  suspect  that  the  drawing  continues,  and 
that  the  bills  are  antedated.  It  is  impossible  for 
me  to  go  on  with  demands  after  demands."  The 
next  month  also  found  these  old  bills  on  Lauren  s 
still  coming  in.  Congress  never  let  the  ministers 
know  how  many  bills  it  was  drawing,  perhaps  fear 
ing  to  discourage  them  by  so  appalling  a  disclosure. 
Franklin  now  wrote  to  Adams :  "  Perhaps  from 
the  series  of  numbers  and  the  deficiencies  one  may 
be  able  to  divine  the  sum  that  has  been  issued." 
Moreover,  he  reflects  that  he  has  never  had  any  in 
structions  to  pay  the  acceptances  of  Jay  and  Adams, 
nor  has  had  any  ratification  of  his  payments; 
neither  had  he  "ever  received  a  syllable  of  appro 
bation  for  having  done  so.  Thus  I  stand  charged 
with  vast  sums  which  I  have  disbursed  for  the  pub 
lic  service  without  authority."  The  thought  might 
cause  some  anxiety,  in  view  of  the  moral  obliquity  * 
manifested  by  Congress  in  all  its  financial  dealings. 
In  November,  1781,  came  a  long  letter  from  Liv 
ingston  ;  everything  was  wanted ;  but  especially  the 
States  must  have  money !  December  31,  a  day 
that  often  brings  reflection  on  matters  financial, 
de  Vergennes  sent  a  brief  warning ;  1,000,000 
livres,  which  had  been  promised,  Franklin  should 
have,  but  not  one  livre  more  under  any  circum 
stances  ;  if  he  had  accepted,  or  should  accept,  Mor 
ris's  drafts  in  excess  of  this  sum,  he  must  trust  to 
his  own  resources  to  meet  his  obligations.  Accord 
ingly  on  January  9,  1782,  he  wrote  to  Morris : 


FINANCIERING.  329 

"  Bills  are  still  coming  in  quantities.  .  .  .  You 
will  see  by  the  inclosed  letter  the  situation  I  am  at 
at  last  brought  into.  ...  I  shall  be  able  to  pay 
till  the  end  of  February,  when,  if  I  can  get  no  more 
money,  I  must  stop." 

Ten  days  later  he  writes  to  Jay  that  his  solicita 
tions  make  him  appear  insatiable,  that  he  gets  no 
assurances  of  aid,  but  that  he  is  "  very  sensible  " 
of  Jay's  "  unhappy  situation,"  and  therefore  man 
ages  to  send  him  $30,000,  though  he  knows  not 
how  to  replace  it.  In  the  sad  month  of  March, 
1782,  Lafayette  nobly  helped  Franklin  in  the  dis 
agreeable  task  of  begging,  but  to  little  purpose  ; 
for  at  length  there  seemed  a  general  determination 
to  furnish  no  more  money  to  the  States.  The  fight 
ing  was  over,  and  it  seemed  reasonable  that  the 
borrowing  should  be  over  likewise. 

In  February,  1782,  Franklin  says  that  Mr.  Mor 
ris  supposes  him  to  have  a  sum  "  vastly  greater 
than  the  fact,"  and  has  "given  orders  far  beyond 
my  abilities  to  comply  with."  Franklin  was  re 
garded  as  a  miraculous  orange  which,  if  squeezed 
hard  enough,  would  always  yield  juice !  It  could 
not  have  been  reassuring,  either,  to  have  one  of  the 
American  agents  at  this  time  ask  to  have  150,000 
livres  advanced  to  him  at  once;  especially  since 
the  frankly  provident  gentleman  based  his  press 
ing  haste  upon  the  avowed  fear  that,  as  business 
was  going  on,  Franklin's  embarrassments  in  money 
matters  were  likely  to  increase. 

February  13,  1782,  Livingston   wrote   a   letter 


330  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

which  must  have  excited  a  griin  smile.  He  com 
forts  himself,  in  making  more  "  importunate  de 
mands,"  by  reflecting  that  it  is  all  for  the  good 
of  France!  which  thought,  he  says,  may  enable 
Franklin  to  "  press  them  with  some  degree  of  dig 
nity."  Franklin's  sense  of  humor  was  touched. 
That  means,  he  says,  that  I  am  to  say  to  de  Yer- 
gennes  :  "  Help  us,  and  we  shall  not  be  obliged  to 
you."  But  in  some  way  or  another,  probably  not 
precisely  in  this  eccentric  way,  he  so  managed  it 
that  in  March  he  wheedled  the  French  govern 
ment  into  still  another,  and  a  large,  loan  of  24,- 
000,000  livres,  payable  quarterly  during  the  year. 
March  9  he  informs  Morris  "  pretty  fully  of  the 
state  of  our  funds  here,  by  which  you  will  be  ena 
bled  so  to  regulate  your  drafts  as  that  our  credit  in 
Europe  may  not  be  ruined  and  your  friend  killed 
with  vexation." 

He  now  engaged  to  pay  all  the  drafts  which  Jay 
should  send  to  him,  so  that  Jay  could  extricate 
himself  honorably  from  those  dread  sngagements 
which  had  been  giving  that  harassed  gentleman  in 
finite  anxiety  at  Madrid.  Some  of  his  acceptances 
had  already  gone  to  protest ;  but  Franklin  soon 
took  them  all  up.  By  the  end  of  March  he  began 
to  breathe  more  freely ;  he  had  saved  himself  and 
his  colleagues  thus  far,  and  now  he  hoped  that  the 
worst  was  over.  He  wrote  to  Morris :  "  Your 
promise  that  after  this  month  no  more  bills  shall 
be  drawn  on  me  keeps  up  my  spirits  and  affords 
me  the  greatest  satisfaction."  By  the  following 


FINANCIERING.  331 

summer  the  accounts  between  France  and  the 
States  were  in  course  of  liquidation,  and  Franklin 
called  the  attention  of  Livingston  to  the  fact  that 
the  king  practically  made  the  States  a  further  pres 
ent  "  to  the  value  of  near  two  millions.  These, 
added  to  the  free  gifts  before  made  to  us  at  differ 
ent  times,  form  an  object  of  at  least  twelve  millions, 
for  which  no  returns  but  that  of  gratitude  and 
friendship  are  expected.  These,  I  hope,  may  be 
everlasting."  But  liquidation,  though  a  necessary 
preliminary  to  payment,  is  not  payment,  and  does 
not  preclude  a  continuance  of  borrowing;  and  in 
August  we  find  that  Morris  was  still  pressing  for 
more  money,  still  drawing  drafts,  in  happy  forget- 
f  ulness  of  his  promises  not  to  do  so,  and  still  keep 
ing  Franklin  in  anxious  dread  of  bankruptcy.  By 
the  same  letter  it  appears  that  Morris  had  directed 
Franklin  to  pay  over  to  M.  Grand,  the  banker,  any 
surplus  funds  in  his  hands  !  "  I  would  do  it  with 
pleasure,  if  there  were  any  such,"  said  Franklin ; 
but  the  question  was  still  of  a  deficit,  not  of  a  sur« 
plus. 

December  14,  1782,  finds  Franklin  still  at  the 
old  task,  preferring  "the  application  so  strongly 
pressed  by  the  Congress  for  a  loan  of  14,000,000." 
Lafayette  again  helped  him,  but  the  result  re 
mained  uncertain.  The  negotiations  for  peace  were 
so  far  advanced  that  the  ministers  thought  it  time 
for  such  demands  to  cease.  But  probably  he  suc 
ceeded,  for  a  few  days  later  he  appears  to  be  remit 
ting  a  considerable  sum.  Peace,  however,  was  at 


332  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

hand,  and  in  one  respect  at  least  it  was  peace  for 
Franklin  as  well  as  for  his  country,  for  even  Con 
gress  could  no  longer  expect  him  to  continue  bor 
rowing.  He  had  indeed  rendered  services  not  less 
gallant  though  less  picturesque  than  those  of  Wash 
ington  himself,  vastly  more  disagreeable,  and 
scarcely  less  essential  to  the  success  of  the  cause. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

HABITS   OF  LIFE   AND   OF   BUSINESS  I   AN   ADAMS 
INCIDENT. 

JOHN  ADAMS  wielded  a  vivid  and  vicious  pen ; 
he  neglected  the  Scriptural  injunction :  "  Judge 
not,"  and  he  set  honesty  before  charity  in  speech. 
His  judgments  upon  his  contemporaries  were  mer 
ciless  ;  they  had  that  kind  of  truthfulness  which 
precluded  contradiction,  yet  which  left  a  sense  of 
injustice  ;  they  were  at  once  accurate  and  unfair. 
His  strictures  concerning  Franklin  are  an  illustra 
tion  of  these  peculiarities.  What  he  said  is  of  im 
portance  because  he  said  it,  and  because  members 
of  the  Adams  family  in  successive  generations,  vo 
luminous  contributors  to  the  history  of  the  coun 
try,  have  never  divested  tnemselves  of  the  inher 
ited  enmity  toward  Franklin.  During  Adams's 
first  visit  to  France  the  relationship  between  him 
and  Franklin  is  described  as  sufficiently  friendly 
rather  than  as  cordial.  December  7,  1778,  in  a 
letter  to  his  cousin  Samuel  Adams,  John  thus  de 
scribed  his  colleague :  — 

"  The  other  you  know  personally,  and  that  he  loves  his 
Ease,  hates  to  offend,  and  seldom  gives  any  opinion  till 
obliged  to  do  it.  I  know  also,  and  it  is  necessary  that 


334  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

you  should  be  informed,  that  he  is  overwhelmed  with  a 
correspondence  from  all  quarters,  most  of  them  upon 
trifling  subjects  and  in  a  more  trifling  style,  with  un 
meaning  visits  from  Multitudes  of  People,  chiefly  from 
the  Vanity  of  having  it  to  say  that  they  have  seen  him. 
There  is  another  thing  that  I  am  obliged  to  mention. 
There  are  so  many  private  families,  Ladies  and  gentle 
men,  that  he  visits  so  often,  —  and  they  are  so  fond  of 
him,  that  he  cannot  well  avoid  it,  —  and  so  much  inter 
course  with  Academicians,  that  all  these  things  together 
keep  his  mind  in  a  constant  state  of  dissipation.  If  in 
deed  you  take  out  of  his  hand  the  Public  Treasury  and 
the  direction  of  the  Frigates  and  Continental  vessels  that 
are  sent  here,  and  all  Commercial  affairs,  and  entrust 
them  to  Persons  to  be  appointed  by  Congress,  at  Nantes 
and  Bordeaux,  I  should  think  it  would  be  best  to  have 
him  here  alone,  with  such  a  Secretary  as  you  can  confide 
in.  But  if  he  is  left  here  alone,  even  with  such  a  secre 
tary,  and  all  maritime  and  Commercial  as  well  as  polit 
ical  affairs  and  money  matters  are  left  in  his  Hands,  I  am 
persuaded  that  France  and  America  will  both  have  Rea 
son  to  repent  it.  He  is  not  only  so  indolent  that  Business 
will  be  neglected,  but  you  know  that,  although  he  has 
as  determined  a  soul  as  any  man,  yet  it  is  his  constant 
Policy  never  to  say  '  yes  '  or  *  no  '  decidedly  but  when 
he  cannot  avoid  it." 

This  mischievous  letter,  not  actually  false,  yet 
misrepresenting  and  misleading,  has  unfortunately 
survived  to  injure  both  the  man  who  wrote  it  and 
the  man  about  whom  it  was  written.  It  is  quoted 
in  order  to  show  the  sort  of  covert  fire  in  the  rear 
to  which  Franklin  was  subjected  throughout  his 


HABITS   OF  LIFE  AND   OF  BUSINESS.         335 

term  of  service.  It  is  astonishing  now,  when  the 
evidence  is  all  before  us  and  the  truth  is  attain 
able,  to  read  such  a  description  of  such  a  patriot 
as  Franklin,  a  man  who  went  through  labors  and 
anxieties  for  the  cause  probably  only  surpassed  by 
those  of  Washington,  and  whose  services  did  more 
to  promote  success  than  did  the  services  of  any 
other  save  only  Washington.  How  blind  was  the 
personal  prejudice  of  the  critic  who  saw  Franklin 
in  Paris  and  could  yet  suggest  that  the  charge  of 
the  public  treasury  should  be  taken  from  him  !  To 
whom  else  would  the  Frenchmen  have  unlocked 
their  coffers  as  they  did  to  him,  whom  they  so 
warmly  liked  and  admired  ?  John  Adams  and 
Arthur  Lee  and  every  other  American  who  endeav 
ored  to  deal  with  the  French  court  got  himself  so 
thoroughly  hated  there  that  little  aid  would  have 
been  forthcoming  at  the  request  of  such  represent 
atives.  It  was  to  Franklin's  personal  influence 
that  a  large  portion  of  the  substantial  help  in  men, 
ships,  and  especially  in  money,  accorded  by  France 
to  the  States,  was  due.  He  was  as  much  the  right 
man  in  Europe  as  was  Washington  in  America. 

Nevertheless  this  attribution  of  traits,  so  mali 
ciously  penned,  has  passed  into  history,  and  though 
the  world  does  not  see  that  either  France  or  the 
States  had  cause  "  to  repent  "  keeping  Franklin  in 
Paris  in  general  charge  of  affairs,  and  unwatched 
by  a  vigilant  secretary,  yet  all  the  world  believes 
that  in  the  gay  metropolis  Franklin  was  indolent 
and  given  over  to  social  pleasures,  which  flattered 


336  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

his  vanity.  Undoubtedly  there  is  foundation  in 
fact  for  the  belief.  But  to  arrive  at  a  just  con 
clusion  one  must  consider  many  things.  The  char 
acter  of  the  chief  witness  is  as  important  as  that  of 
the  accused.  Adams,  besides  being  a  severe  critic, 
was  filled  to  the  brim  with  an  irrepressible  activity, 
an  insatiate  industry,  a  restlessness  and  energy,  all 
which  were  at  this  period  stimulated  by  the  excite 
ment  of  the  times  to  an  intensity  excessive  and 
abnormal  even  for  him.  To  him,  in  this  condi 
tion  of  chronic  agitation,  the  serenity  of  Franklin's 
broad  intellect  and  tranquil  nature  seemed  inex 
plicable  and  culpable.  But  Franklin  had  what 
Adams  lacked,  a  vast  experience  in  men  and  af 
fairs.  Adams  knew  the  provinces  and  the  provin 
cials  ;  Franklin  knew  the  provinces  and  England 
and  France,  the  provincials,  Englishmen,  French 
men,  and  all  ranks  and  conditions  of  men,  —  jour 
neymen,  merchants,  philosophers,  men  of  letters, 
diplomatists,  courtiers,  noblemen,  and  statesmen. 
The  one  was  an  able  colonist,  the  other  was  a 
man  of  the  world,  of  exceptionally  wide  personal 
experience  even  as  such.  Moreover  Franklin's  un 
dertakings  were  generally  crowned  with  a  success 
which  justifies  us  in  saying  that,  however  much  or 
little  exertion  he  visibly  put  forth,  at  least  he  put 
forth  enough.  Adams  sometimes  was  for  putting 
forth  too  much.  Franklin,  when  he  arrived  in 
France,  was  in  his  seventy-first  year ;  his  health 
was  in  the  main  good,  yet  his  strength  had  been 
severely  tried  by  his  journey  to  Canada  and  by  the 


HABITS    OF  LIFE  AND    OF  BUSINESS.        337 

voyage.  He  was  troubled  with  a  cutaneous  com 
plaint,  of  which  he  makes  light,  but  which  was 
abundant  evidence  that  his  physical  condition  was 
far  from  perfect;  he  was  a  victim  of  the  gout, 
which  attacked  him  frequently  and  with  great  se 
verity,  so  that  he  was  often  obliged  to  keep  his 
bed  for  days  and  weeks  ;  when  he  was  appointed 
sole  minister  of  the  States  to  France  he  remarked 
that  there  was  "  some  incongruity  in  a  plenipoten 
tiary  who  could  neither  stand  nor  go  ;  "  later  on 
he  suffered  extremely  from  stone  and  gravel ;  with 
all  these  diseases,  and  with  the  remorseless  disease 
of  old  age  gaining  ground  every  day,  it  is  hardly 
surprising  that  Franklin  seemed  to  the  hale  and 
vigorous  Adams  not  to  be  making  that  show  of 
activity  which  would  have  been  becoming  in  the 
chief  representative  of  the  United  States  during 
these  critical  years.  Yet  except  that  he  was  care 
less  about  his  papers  and  remiss  in  his  correspond 
ence  no  definite  allegations  are  made  against  him 
prior  to  the  treating  for  peace ;  no  business  of  im 
portance  was  ever  said  to  have  failed  in  his  hands, 
which  should  be  a  sufficient  vindication  of  his 
general  efficiency.  The  amount  of  labor  which 
was  laid  upon  him  was  enormous  :  he  did  as  much 
business  as  the  managing  head  of  a  great  banking- 
house  and  a  great  mercantile  firm  combined  ;  he 
did  all  the  diplomacy  of  the  United  States ;  he  was 
also  their  consul-general,  and  though  he  had  agents 
in  some  ports,  yet  they  more  often  gave  trouble 
than  assistance ;  after  the  commercial  treaty  with 


338  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

France  he  had  to  investigate  French  laws  and 
tariffs  and  give  constant  advice  to  American  mer 
chants  upon  all  sorts  of  questions  as  to  statutes, 
trade,  customs,  dues,  and  duties.  What  he  did 
concerning  the  war  ships,  the  privateers,  and  the 
prizes  has  been  hinted  at  rather  than  stated  ;  what 
he  did  in  the  way  of  financiering  has  been  imper 
fectly  shown  ;  he  was  often  engaged  in  planning 
naval  operations  either  for  Paul  Jones  and  others 
in  European  waters  or  for  the  French  fleet  in 
American  waters.  He  had  for  a  perpetual  annoy 
ance  all  the  captiousness  and  the  quarrels  of  the 
two  Lees,  Izard,  and  Thomas  Morris.  When  busi 
ness  had  to  be  transacted,  as  often  occurred,  with 
states  at  whose  courts  the  United  States  had  no 
representative,  Franklin  had  to  manage  it ; l  es 
pecially  he  was  concerned  with  the  business  in 
Spain,  whither  he  would  have  journeyed  in  person 
had  his  health  and  other  engagements  permitted. 
Moreover  he  was  adviser-general  to  all  American 
officials  of  any  and  every  grade  and  function  in 
Europe ;  and  much  as  some  of  these  gentlemen 
contemned  him,  they  each  and  all  instinctively  de 
manded  his  guidance  in  every  matter  of  importance. 
Even  Arthur  Lee  deferred  to  him  rather  than  de 
cide  for  himself  ;  Dana  sought  his  instructions  for 
the  mission  to  Russia  ;  men  of  the  calibre  of  Jay 
and  independent  John  Adams  sought  and  respect 
ed  his  views  and  his  aid,  perhaps  more  than  they 

1  For  example,   with  Norway,  with  Denmark,  and  with  Por 
tugal. 


HABITS  OF  LIFE  AND   OF  BUSINESS.         339 

themselves  appreciated.  Surely  here  was  labor 
enough,  and  even  more  responsibility  than  labor ; 
but  Franklin's  great,  well -trained  mind  worked 
with  the  ease  and  force  of  a  perfectly  regulated  ma 
chine  whose  smoothness  of  action  almost  conceals 
its  power,  and  all  the  higher  parts  of  his  labor 
were  achieved  with  little  perceptible  effort.  For 
the  matters  of  account-keeping  and  letter-writing,  he 
neglected  these  things ;  and  one  is  almost  provoked 
into  respecting  him  for  so  doing  when  it  is  remem 
bered  that  during  all  the  time  of  his  stay  in  France 
Congress  never  allowed  to  this  aged  and  over-tasked 
man  a  secretary  of  legation,  or  even  an  amanuen 
sis  or  a  copyist.  He  had  with  him  his  grandson, 
Temple  Franklin,  a  lad  of  sixteen  years  at  the  time 
of  his  arrival  in  France,  and  whom  it  had  been 
intended  to  place  at  school.  But  Franklin  could 
not  dispense  with  his  services,  and  kept  this  young 
ster  as  his  sole  clerk  and  assistant.  It  should  be 
mentioned  also  in  this  connection  that  it  was  not 
only  necessary  to  prepare  the  customary  duplicates 
of  every  document  of  importance,  but  every  paper 
which  was  to  be  sent  across  the  Atlantic  had  to  be 
copied  half  a  dozen  extra  times,  in  order  to  be 
dispatched  in  as  many  different  ships,  so  great 
were  the  dangers  of  capture.  It  was  hardly  fair 
to  expect  a  minister  plenipotentiary  to  display  un 
wearied  zeal  in  this  sort  of  work.  Adams  himself 
would  have  done  it,  and  grumbled ;  Franklin  did 
not  do  it,  and  preserved  his  good  temper.  In  con 
clusion  it  may  be  said  that,  if  Franklin  was  indo- 


340  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

lent,  as  in  some  ways  he  probably  was,  he  had 
at  least  much  excuse  for  indolence,  and  the  trait 
showed  itself  only  on  what  may  be  called  the  phys 
ical  side  of  his  duties  ;  upon  the  intellectual  side,  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  during  the  period  thus  far 
traversed  he  did  more  thinking  and  to  better  pur 
pose  than  any  other  American  of  the  day. 

In  saying  that  Franklin  was  fond  of  society  and 
pleased  with  the  admiration  expressed  for  him  by 
the  ardent  and  courteous  Frenchmen  and  by  other 
continental  Europeans,  Adams  spoke  correctly. 
Franklin  was  always  social  and  always  a  little  vain. 
But  much  less  would  have  been  heard  of  these  traits 
if  the  distinction  made  between  him  and  his  col 
leagues  had  been  less  conspicuous  and  less  con 
stant.  That  men  of  the  size  of  the  Lees  and  Izard 
should  inflate  themselves  to  the  measure  of  harbor 
ing  a  jealousy  of  Franklin's  preeminence  was  only 
ridiculous;  but  Adams  should  have  had,  as  Jay 
had,  too  much  self-respect  to  cherish  such  a  feeling. 
It  was  the  weak  point  in  his  character  that  he  could 
never  acknowledge  a  superior,  and  the  fact  that  the 
world  at  large  estimated  Washington,  Franklin, 
and  Hamilton  as  men  of  larger  calibre  than  his 
own  kept  him  in  a  state  of  exasperation  all  his 
life.  Now  the  simple  truth,  forced  in  a  thousand 
unintended  ways  upon  the  knowledge  of  all  Amer 
ican  envoys  during  the  Revolution,  was,  that  in 
c  Europe  Franklin  was  a  distinguished  man,  while 
no  other  American  was  known  or  cared  for  at  all. 
Franklin  received  deference,  where  others  received 


HABITS  OF  LIFE  AND    OF  BUSINESS.         341 

civility ;  Franklin  was  selected  for  attentions,  for 
flattery,  for  official  consultations  and  communica 
tions,  while  his  colleagues  were  "  forgotten  entirely 
by  the  French  people."  Jay»  Dana,  and  Carmi- 
chael  accepted  this  situation  in  the  spirit  of  sen 
sible  gentlemen,  but  Adams,  the  Lees,  and  Izard 
were  incensed  and  sought  an  offset  in  defamation. 
Compare  Carmichael's  language  with  what  has  been 
quoted  from  Adams :  he  says  :  "  The  age  of  Dr. 
Franklin  in  some  measure  hinders  him  from  taking 
so  active  a  part  in  the  drudgery  of  business  as  his 
great  zeal  and  abilities  would  otherwise  enable  him 
to  execute.  He  is  the  Master,  to  whom  we  children 
in  politics  look  up  for  counsel,  and  whose  name  is 
everywhere  a  passport  to  be  well  received."  Still 
it  must  have  been  provoking  to  be  customarily 
spoken  of  as  u  Dr.  Franklin's  associates."  When 
Franklin  was  appointed  minister  plenipotentiary 
he  was  obliged  to  explain  that  he  was  not  the  "  sole 
representative  of  America  in  Europe."  De  Ver- 
gennes  always  wished  to  deal  only  with  him,  and 
occasionally  said  things  to  him  in  secrecy  so  close 
as  to  be  exclusive  even  of  his  "  associates."  Adams 
honestly  admitted  that  "  this  court  have  confidence 
in  him  alone."  When  a  favor  was  to  be  asked,  it 
was  Franklin  who  could  best  seek  it ;  and  when  it 
was  granted  it  seemed  to  be  vouchsafed  to  Frank 
lin.  In  a  word,  Franklin  had  the  monopoly  of  the 
confidence,  the  respect,  and  the  personal  regard  of 
the  French  ministry.  It  was  the  same  way  also 
with  the  English ;  when  they  made  advances  for 


342  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

conciliation  or  peace,  they  too  selected  Franklin  for 
their  communications. 

Adams  was  not  sufficiently  familiar  with  the 
modes  of  political  life  in  Europe  to  appreciate  what 
a  substantial  value  Franklin's  social  and  scientific 
prestige  among  the  "  ladies  and  gentlemen  "  and 
the  "  academicians  "  had  there.  All  those  tributes 
which  the  great  "  philosopher  "  was  constantly  re 
ceiving  may  have  been,  as  Adams  said,  pleasant 
food  for  his  vanity,  but  they  were  also  of  prac 
tical  worth  and  service,  signifying  that  he  was  a 
man  of  real  note  and  importance  in  what  Euro 
pean  statesmen  regarded  as  "the  world."  If 
Franklin  relished  the  repast,  who  among  mortals 
would  not  ?  And  was  his  accuser  a  man  to  have 
turned  his  back  on  such  viands,  had  he  also  been 
bidden  to  the  feast  of  flattery?  Franklin's  vanity 
was  a  simple,  amiable,  and  harmless  source  of 
pleasure  to  himself;  it  was  not  of  the  greedy  or 
envious  type,  nor  did  its  gratification  do  any  in 
jury  to  any  person,  or  any  interest.  Jay,  a  man  of 
generous  temper,  understood  the  advantage  reaped 
by  the  States  from  being  represented  at  the  French 
court  by  a  man  whose  greatness  all  Europe  recog 
nized.  More  than  once  he  bore  this  testimony, 
honorable  alike  to  the  giver  and  to  him  for  whom 
it  was  given.1 

Pleasant  as  were  many  of  the  features  of  Frank 
lin's  residence  in  France,  and  skillfully  as  he  may 
have  evaded  some  of  the  more  irksome  labors  im< 
1  See,  for  example,  Franklin's  Works,  vii.  25?,  note. 


HABITS   OF  LIFE  AND   OF  BUSINESS.         343 

posed  upon  him,  the  attraction  was  not  always  suf 
ficient  to  make  him  reluctant  to  have  done  with  the 
place.     Its  vexations  and  anxieties  wore  upon  him 
grievously.     He    knew  that  unfriendly  representa 
tions  concerning  him  were  often  made  in  America, 
and  that  these  induced  some  men  to  distrust  him, 
and  caused  others  to  feel  anxious  about  him.     He 
heard    stories  that  he   was    to    be   recalled,  other 
stories  that  there  was  a  cabal  to  vent  a  petty  ill- 
will  by  putting  an    end  to    the  clerkship  of   his 
grandson.     This  cut  him  to  the  quick.     "  I  should 
not  part  with  the  child,"  he  said,  "but  with  the 
employment;"  and  so  the  ignoble  scheme  miscar 
ried  ;  for  Congress  was  not  ready  to  lose  Franklin, 
and  did  not  really  feel  any  extreme  dread  of  harm 
from  a  lad  who,  though  the  son  of  a  loyalist,  had 
grown  up  under  Franklin's  personal  influence.    At 
times  homesickness  attacked  him.     When  he  heard 
of  the  death  of  an  old  friend   at  home  he  wrote 
sadly :  "  A  few  more  such  deaths  will  make  me  a 
stranger  in  my  own  country."      He  was  not  one 
of  those  patriots  who  like  to  live  abroad  and  pro 
test  love  for  their  own  country.     Generally  he  pre 
served  the  delightful  evenness  of  his  temper  with 
a  success  quite  wonderful  in  a  man  troubled  with 
complaints  which  preeminently  make  the  sufferer 
impatient  and  irascible.     Only  once  he  said,  when 
he  was    being  very  unreasonably  annoyed    about 
some    shipping  business  :  "  I  will  absolutely   have 
nothing  to  do  with  any  new  squadron  project.     I 
have  been  too  long  in  hot  water,  plagued  almost  to 


344  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

death  with  the  passions,  vagaries,  and  ill-humors 
and  madnesses  of  other  people.  I  must  have  a  lit 
tle  repose."  A  very  mild  outbreak  this,  under  all 
his  provocations,  but  it  is  the  only  one  of  which 
any  record  remains.  His  tranquil  self-control  was 
a  very  remarkable  trait ;  he  was  never  made  so  an 
gry  by  all  the  calumny  and  assaults  of  enemies 
peculiarly  apt  in  the  art  of  irritation  as  to  use  any 
immoderate  or  undignified  language.  He  never 
retaliated,  though  he  had  the  fighting  capacity  in 
him.  Before  the  tribunal  of  posterity  his  patient 
endurance  has  counted  greatly  in  his  favor. 

By  March,  1781,  he  had  definitively  made  up 
his  mind  to  resign,  and  wrote  to  the  president  of 
Congress  a  letter  which  was  unmistakably  earnest 
and  in  parts  even  touching.1  When  this  alarming 
communication  was  received  all  the  depreciation  of 
the  Lees,  Izard,  and  the  rest  went  for  nothing. 
Without  hesitation  Congress  ignored  the  request, 
with  far  better  reason  than  it  could  show  for  the 
utter  indifference  with  which  it  was  wont  to  regard 
pretty  much  all  the  other  requests  which  Franklin 
ever  made.  Its  behavior  in  this  respect  was  in 
deed  very  singular.  He  recommended  his  grand 
son  to  it,  and  it  paid  absolutely  no  attention  to 
the  petition.  He  repeatedly  asked  the  appoint 
ment  of  consuls  at  some  of  the  French  ports ;  it 
created  all  sorts  of  other  officials,  keeping  Paris 
full  of  useless  and  costly  "  ministers  "  accredited  to 

1  Franklin's  Works,  vii.  207 ;  the   letter  is  unfortunately  too 
long  to  quote.     See  also  his  letter  to  Lafayette,  Ibid.,  237. 


HABITS  OF  LIFE  AND  OF  BUSINESS.         345 

courts  which  would  not  receive  them,  but  appointed 
no  consul.  He  urged  hard,  as  a  trifling  personal 
favor,  that  an  accountant  might  be  appointed  to 
audit  his  nephew  Williams's  accounts,  but  Congress 
would  not  attend  to  a  matter  which  could  have 
been  disposed  of  in  five  minutes.  He  never  could 
get  a  secretary  or  a  clerk,  nor  even  any  proper  ap 
pointment  of,  or  salary  for,  his  grandson.  He  sel 
dom  got  an  expression  of  thanks  or  approbation  for 
anything  that  he  did,  though  he  did  many  things 
wholly  outside  of  his  regular  functions  and  involv 
ing  great  personal  risk  and  responsibility.  Yet 
when  he  really  wanted  to  resign  he  was  not  allowed 
to  do  so ;  and  thus  at  last  he  was  left  to  learn  by 
inference  that  he  had  given  satisfaction.1 

No  sooner  had  Adams  got  comfortably  settled  at 
home  than  he  was  obliged  to  return  again  to  Eu 
rope.  Franklin,  Jay,  Laurens,  Jefferson,  and  he 
were  appointed  by  Congress  commissioners  to  treat 
for  peace,  whenever  the  fitting  time  should  come ; 
and  so  in  February,  1780,  he  was  back  in  Paris. 
But  peace  was  still  far  away  in  the  future,  and 
Adams,  meanwhile,  finding  the  intolerable  incum- 
brance  of  leisure  upon  his  hands,  exorcised  the 
demon  by  writing  long  letters  to  de  Yergennes 
upon  sundry  matters  of  interest  in  American  af 
fairs.  It  was  an  unfortunate  scheme.  If  Nature 
had  maliciously  sought  to  create  a  man  for  the  ex 
press  purpose  of  aggravating  de  Vergennes,  she 

1  See  letter  to  Carmichael,  Works,  vii.  285. 


346  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

could  not  have  made  one  better  adapted  for  that 
service  than  was  Adams.  Very  soon  there  was  a 
terrible  explosion,  and  Franklin,  invoked  by  both 
parties,  had  to  hasten  to  the  rescue,  to  his  own  se 
rious  injury. 

On  May  31,  1780,  in  a  letter  to  the  president 
of  Congress,  Franklin  said  :  "  A  great  clamor  has 
lately  been  made  by  some  merchants,  who  say  they 
have  large  sums  on  their  hands  of  paper  money  in 
America,  and  that  they  are  ruined  by  some  resolu 
tion  of  Congress,  which  reduces  its  value  to  one  part 
in  forty.  As  I  have  had  no  letter  explaining  this 
matter  I  have  only  been  able  to  say  that  it  is  prob 
ably  misunderstood,  and  that  I  am  confident  the 
Congress  have  not  done,  nor  will  do,  anything  un 
just  towards  strangers  who  have  given  us  credit." 
Soon  afterward  Adams  got  private  information  of 
the  passage  of  an  act  for  the  redemption  of  the  pa 
per  money  at  the  rate  of  forty  dollars  for  one  in  sil 
ver.  At  once  he  sent  the  news  to  de  Vergennes. 
That  statesman  took  fire  at  the  tidings,  and 
promptly  responded  that  foreigners  ought  to  be 
indemnified  for  any  losses  they  might  suffer,  and 
that  Americans  alone  should  "  support  the  expense 
which  is  occasioned  by  the  defense  of  their  lib 
erty,"  and  should  regard  "  the  depreciation  of  their 
paper  money  only  as  an  impost  which  ought  to 
fall  upon  themselves."  He  added  that  he  had  in 
structed  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  French  min 
ister  to  the  States,  "  to  make  the  strongest  repre 
sentations  on  this  subject  "  to  Congress. 


HABITS  OF  LIFE  AND  OF  BUSINESS.         347 

Adams  was  alarmed  at  the  anger  which  he  had 
excited,  and  besought  de  Vergennes  to  hold  his 
hand  until  Franklin  could  "  have  opportunity  to 
make  his  representations  to  his  majesty's  minis 
ters."  But  this  gleam  of  good  sense  was  transitory, 
for  on  the  same  day,  without  waiting  for  Franklin 
to  intervene,  he  composed  and  sent  to  de  Ver 
gennes  a  long,  elaborate  defense  of  the  course  of 
the  States.  It  was  such  an  argument  as  a  stubborn 
lawyer  might  address  to  a  presumably  prejudiced 
court ;  it  had  not  a  pleasant  word  of  gratitude  for 
past  favors,  or  of  regret  at  the  present  necessity ; 
it  was  as  undiplomatic  and  ill-considered  as  it  cer 
tainly  was  unanswerable.  But  its  impregnability 
could  not  offset  its  gross  imprudence.  To  exasper 
ate  de  Vergennes  and  alienate  the  French  govern 
ment  at  that  period,  although  by  a  perfectly  sound 
presentation,  was  an  act  of  madness  as  unpardon 
able  as  any  crime. 

Upon  the  same  day  on  which  Adams  drew  up 
this  able,  inexcusable  brief  for  his  unfortunate 
client,  the  Congress,  he  wrote  to  Franklin  begging 
him  to  interfere.  On  June  29  he  followed  this 
request  with  a  humbler  note  than  John  Adams  of 
ten  wrote,  acknowledging  that  he  might  have  made 
some  errors,  and  desiring  to  be  set  right.  On  June 
30  de  Vergennes  also  appealed  to  Franklin,  say 
ing,  amid  much  more :  "  The  king  is  so  firmly 
persuaded,  sir,  that  your  private  opinion  respecting 
the  effects  of  that  resolution  of  Congress,  as  far  as 
it  concerns  strangers  and  especially  Frenchmen,  dif- 


348  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

fers  from  that  of  Mr.  Adams,  that  he  is  not  appre 
hensive  of  laying  you  under  any  embarrassment  by 
requesting  you  to  support  the  representations  which 
his  minister  is  ordered  to  make  to  Congress." 

Franklin,  receiving  these  epistles,  was  greatly 
vexed  at  the  jeopardy  into  which  the  rash  zeal  of 
Adams  had  suddenly  plunged  the  American  inter 
ests  in  France.  His  indignation  was  not  likely  to 
be  made  less  by  the  fact  that  all  this  letter-writing 
to  de  Vergennes  was  a  tacit  reproach  upon  his  own 
performance  of  his  duties  and  a  gratuitous  intrench- 
ment  upon  his  province.  The  question  which  pre 
sented  itself  to  him  was  not  whether  the  argument 
of  Adams  was  right  or  wrong,  nor  whether  the  dis 
tinction  which  de  Vergennes  sought  to  establish 
between  American  citizens  and  foreigners  was  prac 
ticable  or  not.  This  was  fortunate,  because,  while 
Adams  in  the  States  had  been  forced  to  ponder 
carefully  all  the  problems  of  a  depreciating  paper 
currency,  Franklin  in  France  had  neither  necessity, 
nor  opportunity,  nor  leisure  for  studying  either  the 
ethics  or  the  solution  of  so  perplexing  a  problem. 
He  now  hastily  made  such  inquiries  as  he  could 
among  the  Americans  lately  arrived  in  Paris,  but 
did  not  pretend  "perfectly  to  understand  "  the  sub 
ject.  To  master  its  difficulties,  however,  did  not 
seem  essential,  because  he  recognized  that  the  obvi 
ous  duty  of  the  moment  was  to  say  something  which 
might  at  least  mitigate  the  present  wrath  of  the 
French  ministry,  and  so  gain  time  for  explana 
tion  and  adjustment  in  a  better  state  of  feeling. 


HABITS   OF  LIFE  AND   OF  BUSINESS.         349 

He  had  once  laid  down  to  Arthur  Lee  the  princi 
ple  :  "  While  we  are  asking  aid  it  is  necessary  to 
gratify  the  desires  and  in  some  sort  comply  with 
the  humors  of  those  we  apply  to.  Our  business 
now  is  to  carry  our  point."  Acting  upon  this  rule 
of  conciliation,  he  wrote,  on  July  10,  to  de  Ver- 
gennes : — 

"  In  this  I  am  clear,  that  if  the  operation  directed  by 
Congress  in  their  resolution  of  March  the  18th  occa 
sions,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  some  inequality  of 
justice,  that  inconvenience  ought  to  fall  wholly  upon  the 
inhabitants  of  the  States,  who  reap  with  it  the  advantages 
obtained  by  the  measure  ;  and  that  the  greatest  care 
should  be  taken  that  foreign  merchants,  particularly  the 
French,  who  are  our  creditors,  do  not  suffer  by  it.  This 
I  am  so  confident  the  Congress  will  do  that  I  do  not  think 
any  representations  of  mine  necessary  to  persuade  them 
to  it.  I  shall  not  fail,  however,  to  lay  the  whole  before 
them." 

In  pursuance  of  this  promise  Franklin  wrote  on 
August  9  a  full  narrative  of  the  entire  matter ;  it 
was  a  fair  and  temperate  statement  of  facts  which 
it  was  his  duty  to  lay  before  Congress.1  Before 
sending  it  he  wrote  to  Adams  that  de  Vergennes, 
"  having  taken  much  amiss  some  passages  in  your 
letter  to  him,  sent  the  whole  correspondence  to  me, 
requesting  that  I  would  transmit  it  to  Congress.  I 
was  myself  sorry  to  see  those  passages.  If  they 
were  the  effects  merely  of  inadvertence,  and  you 
do  not,  on  reflection,  approve  of  them,  perhaps  you 

1  Franklin's  Works,  vii.  110-112. 


350  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

may  think  it  proper  to  write  something  for  effacing 
the  impressions  made  by  them.  I  do  not  presume 
to  advise  you  ;  but  mention  it  only  for  your  consid 
eration."  But  Adams  had  already  taken  his  own 
measures  for  presenting  the  case  before  Congress. 

Such  is  the  full  story  of  Franklin's  doings  in  this 
affair.  His  connection  with  it  was  limited  to  an 
effort  to  counteract  the  mischief  which  another  had 
done.  Whether  he  thought  that  the  "  inconven 
ience  "  which  "  ought  to  fall  "  only  on  Americans 
could  be  arranged  to  do  so,  does  not  appear ;  prob 
ably  he  never  concerned  himself  to  work  out  a 
problem  entirely  outside  his  own  department.  As 
a  diplomatist,  who  had  to  gain  time  for  angry  peo 
ple  to  cool  down  for  amicable  discussion,  he  was 
content  to  throw  out  this  general  remark,  and  to 
express  confidence  that  his  countrymen  would  do 
liberal  justice.  So  far  as  he  was  concerned,  this 
should  have  been  the  end  of  the  matter,  and  Adams 
should  have  been  grateful  to  a  man  whose  tranquil 
wisdom  and  skillful  tact  had  saved  him  from  the 
self-reproach  which  he  would  ever  have  felt  had 
his  well-intentioned,  ill-timed  act  borne  its  full 
possible  fruit  of  injury  to  the  cause  of  the  States. 
But  Adams,  who  knew  that  his  views  were  intrin 
sically  correct,  emerged  from  the  imbroglio  with  an 
extreme  resentment  against  his  rescuer,  nor  was  he 
ever  able  to  see  that  Franklin  did  right  in  not  re 
iterating  the  same  views.  He  wished  not  to  be 
saved  but  to  be  vindicated.  The  consequence  has 
been  unfortunate  for  Franklin,  because  the  affair 


HABITS    OF  LIFE  AND   OF  BUSINESS.         351 

has  furnished  material  for  one  of  the  counts  in  the 
indictment  which  the  Adamses  have  filed  against 
him  before  the  bar  of  posterity. 

It  may  be  remarked  here  that  the  few  words 
.v-hii-h  Franklin  ever  let  drop  concerning  paper 
money  indicate  that  he  had  given  it  little  thought. 
He  said  that  in  Europe  it  seemed  "  a  mystery," 
"  a  wonderful  machine ; "  and  there  is  no  reason 
why  he  should  have  understood  it  better  than  other 
people  in  Europe.  He  also  said  that  the  general 
effect  of  the  depreciation  had  operated  as  a  gradual 
tax  on  the  citizens,  and  "  perhaps  the  most  equal 
of  all  taxes,  since  it  depreciated  in  the  hands  of 
the  holders  of  money,  and  thereby  taxed  them  in 
proportion  to  the  sums  they  held  and  the  time  they 
held  it,  which  is  generally  in  proportion  to  men's 
wealth."  :  The  remark  could  not  keep  a  place  in 
any  very  profound  discussion  of  the  subject ;  but 
it  should  be  noted  that  in  this  point  of  view  the 
contention  of  de  Vergennes  might  be  logically  de 
fended,  on  the  ground  that  a  foreigner  ought  not 
to  be  taxed  like  a  citizen ;  but  the  insuperable  diffi 
culty  of  making  the  distinction  practicable  remained 
undisposed  of. 

1  See  also  Franklin's  Works,  vii.  343. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS:  LAST  YEARS  IN  FRANCE. 

THE  war  had  not  been  long  waging  before  over 
tures  and  soundings  concerning  an  accommodation, 
abetted  and  sometimes  instigated  by  the  cabinet, 
began  to  come  from  England.  Nearly  all  these 
were  addressed  to  Franklin,  because  all  Europe 
persisted  in  regarding  him  as  the  one  authentic 
representative  of  America,  and  because  English 
men  of  all  parties  had  long  known  and  respected 
him  far  beyond  any  other  American.  In  March, 
1778,  William  Pulteney,  a  member  of  Parliament, 
came  under  an  assumed  name  to  Paris  and  had  an 
interview  with  him.  But  it  seemed  that  England 
would  not  renounce  the  theory  of  the  power  of 
Parliament  over  the  colonies,  though  willing  by 
way  of  favor  to  forego  its  exercise.  Franklin  de 
clared  an  arrangement  on  such  a  basis  to  be  impos 
sible. 

A  few  months  later  there  occurred  the  singular 
and  mysterious  episode  of  Charles  de  Weissen- 
stein.  Such  was  the  signature  to  a  letter  dated 
at  Brussels,  June  16,  1778.  The  writer  said  that 
independence  was  an  impossibility,  and  that  the 
English  title  to  the  colonies,  being  indisputable, 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  353 

would  be  enforced  by  coming  generations  even  if 
the  present  generation  should  have  to  "  stop  awhile 
in  the  pursuit  to  recover  breath ;  "  he  then  sketched 
a  plan  of  reconciliation,  which  included  offices  or 
life-pensions  for  Franklin,  Washington,  and  other 
prominent  rebels.  He  requested  a  personal  inter 
view  with  Franklin,  and,  failing  that,  he  ap 
pointed  to  be  in  a  certain  spot  in  Notre  Dame  at  a 
certain  hour,  wearing  a  rose  in  his  hat,  to  receive 
a  written  reply.  The  French  police  reported  the 
presence  at  the  time  and  place  of  a  man  obviously 
bent  upon  this  errand,  who  was  traced  to  his  hotel 
and  found,  says  John  Adams,  to  be  "  Colonel  Fitz- 
something,  an  Irish  name,  that  I  have  forgotten." 
He  got  no  answer,  because  at  a  consultation  be 
tween  the  American  commissioners  and  de  Yer- 
gennes  it  was  so  decided.  But  one  had  been  writ 
ten  by  Franklin,  and  though  de  Weissenstein  and 
Colonel  Fitz-something  never  saw  it,  at  least  it  has 
afforded  pleasure  to  thousands  of  readers  since  that 
time.  For  by  sundry  evidence  Franklin  became 
convinced,  even  to  the  point  of  alleging  that  he 
"  knew,"  that  the  incognito  correspondent  was  the 
English  monarch  himself,  whose  letter  the  Irish 
colonel  had  brought.  The  extraordinary  occasion 
inspired  him.  It  is  a  rare  occurrence  when  one 
can  speak  direct  to  a  king  as  man  with  man  on 
terms  of  real  equality.  Franklin  seized  his  chance, 
and  wrote  a  letter  in  his  best  vein,  a  dignified,  vig 
orous  statement  of  the  American  position,  an  elo 
quent,  indignant  arraignment  of  the  English  meas- 


354  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

ures  for  which  George  III.  more  than  any  other 
one  man  was  responsible.  In  language  which  was 
impassioned  without  being  extravagant,  he  mingled 
sarcasm  and  retort,  statement  and  argument,  with 
a  strenuous  force  that  would  have  bewildered  the 
royal  "  de  Weissenstein."  To  this  day  one  can- 
not  read  these  stinging  paragraphs  without  a  feel 
ing  of  disappointment  that  de  Yergennes  would 
not  let  them  reach  their  destination.  Such  a  bolt 
should  have  been  sent  hotly  home,  not  dropped  to 
be  picked  up  as  a  curiosity  by  the  groping  histo 
rians  of  posterity. 

The  good  Hartley  also  was  constantly  toiling  to 
find  some  common  ground  upon  which  negotiators 
could  stand  and  talk.  One  of  his  schemes,  which 
now  seems  an  idle  one,  was  for  a  long  truce,  during 
which  passions  might  subside  and  perhaps  a  settle 
ment  be  devised.  Franklin  ever  lent  a  courteous 
ear  to  any  one  who  spoke  the  word  Peace.  But 
neither  this  strong  feeling,  nor  any  discouragement 
by  reason  of  American  reverses,  nor  any  arguments 
of  Englishmen  ever  induced  him  to  recede  in  the 
least  from  the  line  of  demands  which  he  thought 
reasonable,  nor  to  abate  his  uncompromising  plain 
ness  of  speech. 

With  the  outbreak  of  war  Franklin's  feelings  to 
wards  England  had  taken  on  that  extreme  bitter 
ness  which  so  often  succeeds  when  love  and  admi 
ration  seem  to  have  been  misplaced.  "  I  was  fond 
to  a  folly."  he  said,  "  of  our  British  connections, 
.  .  .  but  the  extreme  cruelty  with  which  we  have 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  355 

been  treated  has  now  extinguished  every  thought 
of  returning  to  it,  and  separated  us  forever.  You 
have  thereby  lost  limbs  that  will  never  grow  again." 
English  barbarities,  he  declared,  "  have  at  length 
demolished  all  my  moderation."  Often  and  often 
he  reiterated  such  statements  in  burning  words, 
which  verge  more  nearly  upon  vehemence  than 
any  other  reminiscence  which  survives  to  us  of  the 
great  and  calm  philosopher. 

Yet  in  the  bottom  of  his  heart  he  felt  that  the 
chasm  should  not  be  made  wider  and  deeper  than 
was  inevitable.  In  1780  he  told  Hartley  that  Con 
gress  would  fain  have  had  him  "  make  a  school- 
book  "  from  accounts  of  "  British  barbarities,"  to 
be  illustrated  by  thirty-five  prints  by  good  artists 
of  Paris,  "  each  expressing  one  or  more  of  the  dif 
ferent  horrid  facts,  ...  in  order  to  impress  the 
minds  of  children  and  posterity  with  a  deep  sense 
of  your  bloody  and  insatiable  malice  and  wicked 
ness."  He  would  not  do  this,  yet  was  sorely  pro 
voked  toward  it.  "  Every  kindness  I  hear  of  done 
by  an  Englishman  to  an  American  prisoner  makes 
me  resolve  not  to  proceed  in  the  work,  hoping  a  re 
conciliation  may  yet  take  place.  But  every  fresh 
instance  of  your  devilism  weakens  that  resolution, 
and  makes  me  abominate  the  thought  of  a  reunion 
with  such  a  people." 

In  point  of  fact  the  idea  of  an  actual  reunion 
seems  never  from  the  very  outset  to  have  had  any 
real  foothold  in  his  mind.  In  1779  he  said  :  "  We 
have  long  since  settled  all  the  account  in  our  own 


356*  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

minds.  We  know  the  worst  you  can  do  to  us,  if 
you  have  your  wish,  is  to  confiscate  our  estates  and 
take  our  lives,  to  rob  and  murder  us  ;  and  this  .  .  . 
we  are  ready  to  hazard  rather  than  come  again  un 
der  your  detested  government."  l  This  sentiment 
steadily  gained  strength  as  the  struggle  advanced. 
Whenever  he  talked  about  terms  of  peace  he  took 
a  tone  so  high  as  must  have  seemed  altogether  ri 
diculous  to  English  statesmen.  Independence,  he 
said,  was  established  ;  no  words  need  be  wasted 
about  that.  Then  he  audaciously  suggested  that 
it  would  be  good  policy  for  England  "  to  act  nobly 
and  generously;  ...  to  cede  all  that  remains  in 
North  America,  and  thus  conciliate  and  strengthen 
a  young  power,  which  she  wishes  to  have  a  future 
and  serviceable  friend."  She  would  do  well  to 
"throw  in"  Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  and  the  Flori- 
das,  and  "  call  it  ...  an  indemnification  for  the 
burning  of  the  towns." 

Englishmen  constantly  warned  him  of  the  blun 
der  which  the  colonies  would  commit,  should  they 
"  throw  themselves  into  the  arms  "  of  France,  and 
they  assured  him  that  the  alliance  was  the  one 
"great  stumbling-block  in  the  way  of  making 
peace."  But  he  had  ever  the  reply,  after  the  fash 
ion  of  Scripture  :  By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know 
them.  France  was  as  liberal  of  friendship  and 
good  services  as  England  was  of  tyranny  and  cru 
elties.  This  was  enough  to  satisfy  Franklin ;  he 

1  See  also  a  strong  statement  in  letter  to  Hartley  of  October  14, 
1777;   Works,  vii.  106. 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  357 

saw  no  Judas  in  the  constant  and  generous  de  Ver- 
gennes,  and  could  recognize  no  inducement  to  drop 
the  substance  France  for  the  shadow  England.1 
To  his  mind  it  seemed  to  concern  equally  the  honor 
and  the  interest  of  the  States  to  stand  closely  and 
resolutely  by  their  allies,  whom  to  abandon  would 
be  "  infamy ; "  and  after  all,  what  better  bond 
could  there  be  than  a  common  interest  and  a  com 
mon  foe  ?  From  this  view  he  never  wavered  to 
the  hour  when  the  definitive  treaty  of  peace  was 
signed.2 

Such  was  Franklin's  frame  of  mind  when  the 
surrender  at  Yorktown  and  the  events  incident 
to  the  reception  of  the  news  in  England  at  last 
brought  peace  into  really  serious  consideration. 
The  States  had  already  been  forward  to  place 
themselves  in  a  position  for  negotiating  at  the  first 
possible  moment.  For  in  1779  Congress  had  re 
ceived  from  France  an  intimation  that  it  would  be 
well  to  have  an  envoy  in  Europe  empowered  to 
treat ;  and  though  it  was  seizing  time  very  much 
by  the  forelock,  yet  that  body  was  in  no  mood  to 
dally  with  so  pleasing  a  hint,  and  at  once  nomi 
nated  John  Adams  to  be  plenipotentiary.  This, 
however,  by  no  means  fell  in  with  the  schemes  of 
the  French  ministry,  for  de  Vergennes  knew  and 
disliked  Mr.  Adams's  very  unmanageable  character. 
Accordingly  the  French  ambassador  at  Philadelphia 

1  See  Franklin's  Works,  vi.  303. 

2  See  Franklin's  Works,  vi.  151,  303,  310;  vii.  3,  for  examples 
of  his  expressions  on  this  subject. 


358  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

was  instructed  to  use  his  great  influence  with  Con 
gress  to  effect  some  amelioration  of  the  distasteful 
arrangement,  and  he  soon  covertly  succeeded  in  in 
ducing  Congress  to  create  a  commission  by  appoint 
ing  Adams,  Jay,  Franklin,  Jefferson,  who  never 
went  on  the  mission,  and  Laurens,  who  was  a  pris 
oner  in  England  and  joined  his  colleagues  only 
after  the  business  had  been  substantially  concluded. 
Adams  promptly  came  to  Paris,  created  a  great 
turmoil  there,  as  has  been  in  part  narrated,  and 
passed  on  to  Holland,  where  he  still  remained. 
Jay,  accredited  to,  but  not  yet  received  by,  the 
Spanish  court,  was  at  Madrid.  Franklin  therefore 
alone  was  on  hand  in  Paris  when  the  great  tidings 
of  the  capture  of  Cornwallis  came. 

It  was  on  November  25,  1781,  that  Lord  North 
got  this  news,  taking  it  "  as  he  would  have  taken 
a  ball  in  his  breast."  He  recognized  at  once  that 
"  all  was  over,"  yet  for  a  short  time  longer  he  re 
tained  the  management  of  affairs.  But  his  ma 
jority  in  Parliament  was  steadily  dwindling,  and 
evidently  with  him  also  "  all  was  over."  In  his 
despair  he  caught  with  almost  pathetic  eagerness 
at  what  for  a  moment  seemed  a  chance  to  save  his 
ministry  by  treating  with  the  States  secretly  and 
apart  from  France.  He  was  a  man  not  troubled 
with  convictions,  and  having  been  obstinate  in  con 
ducting  a  war  for  which  he  really  cared  little,  he 
was  equally  ready  to  save  his  party  by  putting  an 
end  to  it  with  the  loss  of  all  that  had  been  at  stake. 
Franklin,  however,  decisively  cut  off  that  hope. 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  359 

America,  he  assured  Hartley,  would  not  forfeit  the 
world's  good  opinion  by  "  such  perfidy  ;  "  and  in  the 
incredible  event  of  Congress  instructing  its  com 
missioners  to  treat  upon  "  such  ignominious  terms," 
he  himself  at  least  "  would  certainly  refuse  to  act." 
So  Digges,  whom  Franklin  described  as  "  the 
greatest  villain  I  ever  met  with,"  carried  back  no 
comfort  from  secret,  tentative  errands  to  Adams  in 
Holland  and  to  Franklin  in  France.  Simultaneous 
furtive  advances  to  de  Yergennes  met  with  a  like 
rebuff.  France  and  America  were  not  to  be  sepa 
rated  ;  Lord  North  and  his  colleagues  were  not  to 
be  saved  by  the  bad  faith  of  either  of  their  enemies. 
On  February  22,  1782,  an  address  to  the  king 
against  continuing  the  American  war  was  moved 
by  Conway.  It  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  nine 
teen.  A  few  days  later  a  second,  more  pointed, 
address  was  carried  without  a  division.  The  next 
day  leave  was  granted  to  bring  in  a  bill  enabling 
the  king  to  make  a  peace  or  a  truce  with  the  colo 
nies.  The  game  was  up;  the  ministry  held  no 
more  cards  to  play ;  on  March  20  Lord  North  an 
nounced  that  his  administration  was  at  an  end. 

In  his  shrewd,  intelligent  fashion,  Franklin  was 
watching  these  events,  perfectly  appreciating  the 
significance  of  each  in  turn.  On  March  22  he 
seized  an  opportunity  which  chance  threw  in  his 
way  for  writing  to  Lord  Shelburne  a  short  note, 
in  which  he  suggested  a  hope  that  the  "  returning 
good  disposition "  of  England  towards  America 
would  "  tend  to  produce  a  general  peace."  It  was 


360  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

a  note  of  a  few  lines  only,  seemingly  a  mere  pleas 
ant  passage  of  courtesy  to  an  old  friend,  but  sig 
nificant  and  timely,  an  admirable  specimen  of  the 
delicate  tact  with  which  Franklin  could  meet  and 
almost  create  opportunity.  A  few  days  later  the 
cabinet  of  Lord  Rockingham  was  formed,  composed 
of  the  friends  of  America.  In  it  Charles  Fox  was 
secretary  for  foreign  affairs,  and  Lord  Shelburne 
had  the  home  department,  including  the  colonies. 
No  sooner  were  the  new  ministers  fairly  instated 
than  Shelburne  dispatched  Richard  Oswald,  a  re 
tired  Scotch  merchant,  of  very  estimable  charac 
ter,  of  good  temper,  reasonable  views,  and  sufficient 
ability,  to  talk  matters  over  with  Franklin  at  Paris. 
Oswald  arrived  on  April  12,  and  had  satisfactory 
interviews  with  Franklin  and  de  Vergennes.  The 
important  fact  of  which  he  became  satisfied  by  the 
explicit  language  of  Franklin  was,  that  the  hope 
of  inducing  the  American  commissioners  to  treat 
secretly  and  separately  from  France  was  utterly 
groundless.1  After  a  few  days  he  went  back  to 
London,  carrying  a  letter  from  Franklin  to  Shel 
burne,  in  which  Franklin  expressed  his  gratifica 
tion  at  these  overtures  and  his  hope  that  Oswald 
might  continue  to  represent  the  English  minister. 
Oswald  also  carried  certain  "  Notes  for  Conversa 
tion,"  which  Franklin  had  written  out ;  "  some  loose 

1  About  the  same  time  Laurens  was  released  on  parole  and 
sent  to  confer  with  Adams  in  Holland,  concerning  a  separate 
treating,  and  brought  from  Adams  the  like  response  as  Oswald 
brought  from  Franklin. 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  361 

thoughts  on  paper,"  as  he  called  them,  "  which  I 
intended  to  serve  as  memorandums  for  my  dis 
course,  but  without  a  fixed  intention  of  showing 
them  to  him."  As  matters  turned  out  later,  it 
would  have  been  better  if  Franklin  had  not  been 
quite  so  free  with  these  "memorandums,"  which 
contained  a  suggestion  that  the  English  should 
cede  Canada  and  the  Americans  should  recoup  the 
losses  of  the  royalists.  Indeed,  no  sooner  had  the 
paper  left  his  hands  than  he  saw  his  error,  and  was 
"  a  little  ashamed  of  his  weakness."  The  letter 
only  was  shown  to  the  whole  cabinet. 

On  May  5  Oswald  was  again  in  Paris,  charged  to 
discuss  terms  with  Franklin.  But  on  May  7  there 
arrived  also  Thomas  Grenville,  deputed  by  Fox  to 
approach  de  Vergennes  with  the  design  not  only 
of  treating  with  France,  but  also  of  treating  with 
the  States  through  France.  The  double  mission 
indicated  a  division  in  the  English  cabinet.  Fox 
and  Shelburne  were  almost  as  hostile  to  each  other 
as  were  both  to  Lord  North  ;  and  each  was  aiming 
to  control  the  coming  negotiations  with  the  States. 
Which  should  secure  it  was  a  nice  question.  For 
English  purposes  of  classification  the  States,  until 
independence  was  acknowledged,  remained  colonies, 
and  so  within  the  charge  of  Shelburne.  Hence 
came  Fox's  scheme  for  reaching  them  indirectly 
through  France,  also  his  avowed  willingness  to 
recognize  their  independence  immediately ,  for  for 
eign  business  belonged  to  him.  Shelburne,  on  the 
other  hand,  strenuously  resisted  this  ;  at  worst,  as 


362  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

he  thought,  independence  must  come  through  a 
treaty,  and  with  equivalents.  Moreover  it  seems 
that  he  cherished  an  odd,  half-defined  notion,  ap 
parently  altogether  peculiar  to  himself,  that  he 
might  escape  the  humiliation  of  a  grant  of  full 
independence,  and  in  place  thereof  might  devise 
some  sort  of  "  federal  union."  Perhaps  it  was  out 
of  this  strange  fancy  that  there  grew  at  this  time 
a  story  that  the  States  were  to  be  reconciled  and 
joined  to  Great  Britain  by  a  gift  of  the  same  meas 
ure  of  autonomy  enjoyed  by  Ireland. 

When  Oswald  and  Franklin  next  met,  they  made 
at  first  little  progress ;  each  seemed  desirous  to 
keep  himself  closed  while  the  other  unfolded.  The 
result  was  that  Franklin  wrote,  with  unusual  na- 
'ivete  :  "  On  the  whole  I  was  able  to  draw  so  little 
of  the  sentiments  of  Lord  Shelburne  .  .  .  that  I 
could  not  but  wonder  at  his  being  again  sent  to 
me."  At  the  same  time  Grenville  was  offering  to 
de  Vergennes  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of 
the  United  States,  provided  that  in  other  respects 
the  treaty  of  1763 l  should  be  reinstated.  That  is 
to  say,  France  was  to  agree  to  a  complete  restora 
tion  of  the  status  quo  ante  bellum  in  every  respect 
so  far  as  her  own  interests  were  concerned,  and  to 
accept  as  the  entire  recompense  for  all  her  expendi 
tures  of  money  and  blood  a  benefit  accruing  to  the 
American  States.  This  was  a  humorous  assump 
tion  of  the  ingenuousness  of  her  most  disinterested 

1  Made  between  England  and  France  at  the  close  of  the  last 
war,  in  which  France  had  lost  Canada. 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  363 

protestations.  The  French  minister,  we  are  told, 
"  seemed  to  smile  "  at  this  compliment  to  the  un 
selfishness  of  his  chivalrous  nation,1  and  replied  that 
the  American  States  were  making  no  request  to 
England  for  independence.  As  Franklin  happily 
expressed  it :  "  This  seems  to  me  a  proposition  of 
selling  to  us  a  thing  that  was  already  our  own,  and 
making  France  pay  the  price  they  [the  English] 
are  pleased  to  ask  for  it."  But  the  design  of  wean 
ing  the  States  from  France,  in  the  treating,  was 
obvious. 

Grenville,  thus  checked,  next  tried  to  see  what 
he  could  do  with  Franklin  in  the  way  of  sepa 
rate  negotiation.  But  he  only  elicited  a  statement 
that  the  States  were  under  no  obligations  save 
those  embodied  in  the  treaties  of  alliance  and  com 
merce  with  France,  and  a  sort  of  intimation,  which 
might  be  pregnant  of  much  or  of  little,  that  if  the 
purpose  of  the  former  were  achieved  through  the 
recognition  of  independence,  then  the  commercial 
treaty  alone  would  remain.  This  somewhat  enig 
matical  remark  doubtless  indicated  nothing  more 
than  that  the  States  would  not  continue  active  and 
aggressive  hostilities  in  order  to  further  purely 
French  designs.  Clearly  it  would  depend  upon  the 
demands  of  France  whether  the  States  might  not 
find  themselves  in  a  somewhat  delicate  position. 
Their  obligation  to  make  no  separate  peace  with 
England  had  been  contracted  upon  the  basis  that 

1  "  The  Peace  Negotiations  of  1782-83,"  etc.,  by  John  Jay ;  in 
Winsor's  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist,  of  America,  vol.  vii. 


364  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

France  should  ally  herself  with  them  to  obtain  their 
independence  ;  and  the  injury  expected  to  result 
therefrom  to  England,  with  the  chance  of  commer 
cial  advantages  accruing  to  France,  had  been  re 
garded  as  a  full  consideration.  Yet  it  would  seem 
ungrateful,  to  say  the  least,  to  step  out  of  the  fight 
and  leave  France  in  it,  and  to  refuse  to  back  her 
demands  for  the  recoupment  of  some  of  the  losses 
which  she  had  suffered  in  the  previous  war.  But 
now  the  French  alliance  with  Spain  threatened 
grave  complications  ;  she  had  joined  France  in  the 
war,  and  the  two  powers  were  held  closely  together 
by  the  Bourbon  family  interests.  Spain  now  had 
demands  of  her  own  in  the  way  of  territory  on  the 
American  continent,  where  she  had  made  extensive 
conquests,  and  even  for  the  cession  of  Gibraltar. 
But  the  States  owed  little  to  Spain,  vastly  less,  in 
deed,  than  they  had  tried  to  owe  to  her  ;  for  their 
incessant  begging  had  elicited  only  small  sums, 
and  they  were  more  irritated  at  their  failure  to 
obtain  much  than  thankful  for  the  trifles  they  had 
extorted.  So  they  now  easily  and  gladly  took  the 
position  of  entire  freedom  from  any  obligation, 
either  by  treaty  or  of  honor,  towards  that  power. 
But  in  the  probable  event  of  France  standing  by 
Spain,  peace  might  be  deferred  for  the  benefit  of 
a  country  with  which  the  States  had  no  lien,  unless 
the  States  could  treat  separately.  It  was  not  within 
the  purview  of  the  treaty  that  they  should  remain 
tied  to  France  for  such  purposes  ;  and  to  this  pur 
port  Fox  wrote  to  Grenville.  But  though  it  might 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  365 

be  tolerably  easy  to  enunciate  a  theory  by  which 
the  States  could  justly  control  their  own  affairs, 
with  no  regard  to  France,  it  was  only  too  proba 
ble  that  the  application  of  that  theory  to  circum 
stances  would  be  a  very  nice  and  perplexing  task. 
It  strongly  behooved  a  new  country  to  preserve  its 
good  name  and  its  friendships. 

If  Fox  had  been  able  to  carry  his  point,  matters 
might  have  moved  more  expeditiously.  But  pend 
ing  the  struggle  between  him  and  Shelburne  no  ad 
vance  could  be  made  at  Paris.  Grenville  and  Os 
wald  could  not  work  in  unison.  Franklin  and  de 
Vergennes  became  puzzled  and  suspicious,  having 
only  an  imperfect  inkling  by  report  and  gossip  con 
cerning  the  true  state  of  affairs.  They  suspected, 
with  good  show  of  evidence,  that  the  real  object  of 
English  diplomacy  was  to  drive  in  a  wedge  between 
the  allies.  Amid  these  perplexities,  on  April  22, 
Franklin  wrote  to  Jay,  begging  him  to  come  to 
Paris  :  "  Here  you  are  greatly  wanted,  for  messen 
gers  begin  to  come  and  go,  ...  and  I  can  neither 
make  nor  agree  to  conditions  of  peace  without  the 
assistance  of  my  colleagues.  ...  I  wish  therefore 
you  would  .  .  .  render  yourself  here  as  soon  as 
possible.  You  would  be  of  infinite  service."  Jay 
arrived  on  June  23,  to  Franklin's  "  great  satisfac 
tion,"  and  the  meeting  was  cordial.  Jay  was  thirty- 
seven  years  old,  and  Franklin  was  seventy-six,  but 
Jay  says  :  "  His  mind  appears  more  vigorous  than 
that  of  any  man  of  his  age  I  have  known.  He  cer 
tainly  is  a  valuable  minister  and  an  agreeable  com 
panion." 


366  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

The  deadlock  continued.  Grenville  showed  a  com 
mission  to  treat  with  France  and  "  any  other  prince 
or  state."  But  the  "  enabling  act,"  giving  the  king 
authority  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the 
States,  had  not  yet  been  passed  by  Parliament ; 
and  it  did  not  appear  that  England  recognized 
the  ex-colonies  as  constituting  either  a  prince  or  a 
state.  Oswald  had  no  commission  at  all.  Frank 
lin,  though  he  found  himself  "  in  some  perplexity 
with  regard  to  these  two  negotiations,"  strove  to 
set  things  in  motion.  He  preferred  Oswald  to 
Grenville,  and  intimated  to  Lord  Shelburne  his 
wish  that  Oswald  should  receive  exclusive  author 
ity  to  treat  with  the  American  commissioners.  He 
at  the  same  time  suggested  sundry  necessary  arti 
cles  to  be  disposed  of  by  the  treaty,  namely  :  inde 
pendence,  boundaries,  and  the  fisheries  ;  and  sun 
dry  advisable  articles,  namely  :  an  indemnity  to  be 
granted  by  England  to  the  sufferers  by  the  war ; 
an  acknowledgment  of  her  error  by  England,  and 
the  cession  of  Canada. 

But  the  duel  between  Shelburne  and  Fox  must 
first  be  settled,  and  it  was  now  about  to  be  settled 
suddenly  and  in  an  unexpected  manner.  On  July 
1,  1782,  Lord  Rockingham  died,  and  the  crown,  as 
Walpole  facetiously  remarked,  thereby  descended 
to  the  king  of  England.  The  monarch  at  once, 
though  very  reluctantly,  requested  Shelburne  to  ac 
cept  the  post  of  prime  minister,  regarding  him  as  in 
some  degree  less  obnoxious  than  Fox.  Thereupon 
Fox  and  his  friends  retired  in  high  dudgeon  from 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  367 

office,  and  Grenville  promptly  asked  to  be  recalled. 
His  opportune  request  was  granted  very  readily, 
and  his  place  was  given  to  Fitzherbert,  who  brought 
personal  letters  to  Franklin,  but  who  was  not  ac 
credited  to  treat  with  the  States.  It  seemed  that 
this  business  was  now  again  to  fall  into  the  hands 
of  Oswald,  and  accordingly,  though  he  still  re 
mained  without  any  definite  authority,  active  dis 
cussion  was  resumed  between  him  and  Franklin. 
Early  in  August  both  believed  that  an  understand 
ing  upon  all  important  points  had  been  reached. 
Jay  had  been  ill  almost  ever  since  his  arrival  in 
Paris,  and  was  only  now  recovering ;  Adams  was 
still  in  Holland  ;  so  that  Franklin  and  Oswald  had 
had  the  whole  matter  between  themselves. 

Just  at  this  time  Parliament  rose  ;  and  Shel- 
burne  sent  Yaughan  to  Paris  to  give  private  assur 
ance  to  Franklin  that  there  would  be  no  change  in 
policy  towards  America.  A  commission  was  at  the 
same  time  drawn  up  and  sent  to  Oswald  empower 
ing  him  to  treat  with  commissioners  of  the  "  colo 
nies  or  plantations,  and  any  body  or  bodies  corpo 
rate  or  politic,  or  any  assembly  or  assemblies." 
This  singular  phraseology  at  once  produced  trou 
ble.  Jay  indignantly  repudiated  the  colonial  con 
dition  imputed  by  this  language,  and  resolutely 
said  that  independence  must  be  no  item  in  any 
treaty,  but  must  be  recognized  before  he  would 
even  begin  to  treat.  The  point  was  discussed  by 
him  with  de  Yergennes  and  Franklin.  The  French 
minister  at  first  had  "  objected  to  these  general 


368  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

words  as  not  being  particular  enough ; "  but  now 
he  changed  his  mind  and  advised  not  to  stickle  ; 
for  independence  must  be  the  result  of  the  treaty, 
and  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  effect  should 
precede  the  cause.  Franklin,  with  evident  hesita 
tion  and  reluctance,1  gave  his  opinion  that  the 
commission  "  would  do."  Oswald  then  showed  his 
instructions,  which  directed  him  to  concede  "  the 
complete  independence  of  the  thirteen  States." 
Unfortunately  the  enabling  act  had  not  even 
yet  passed,  so  that  there  was  some  doubt  as  to  the 
power  of  the  ministers  to  agree  to  this.  Jay's  de 
termination  remained  unchanged  ;  for  he  suspected 
that  the  motives  of  de  Yergennes  were  not  disin 
terested,  and  thought  that  Franklin  was  hood 
winked  by  his  French  predilections.  Franklin,  on 
the  other  hand,  thought  that  the  minister  wished 
only  to  expedite  the  negotiation  as  much  as  possi 
ble,  a  matter  in  which  he  himself  also  was  very 
zealous ;  for  he  understood  the  English  political 
situation  and  knew  that  Shelburne's  tenure  of 
power  was  precarious,  and  that  any  possible  suc 
cessor  of  Shelburne  would  be  vastly  less  well-dis 
posed  to  the  States.  This  induced  him  to  stretch 
a  point  in  order  to  go  on  with  the  treating.  Par 
liament  was  to  meet  on  November  26,  and  unless 
peace  could  be  concluded  before  that  time,  the 
chance  for  it  thereafter  would  be  diminished  al 
most  to  the  point  of  hopelessness.  But  Adams 
wrote  from  Holland  that  he  also  disapproved  the 
1  Franklin's  Works,  viii.  99,  101,  150,  note. 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  369 

unusual  form  of  the  commission,  though  a  commis 
sion  to  treat  with  envoys  of  "  the  United  States  of 
America  "  would  satisfy  him,  as  a  sufficient  impli 
cation  of  independence  without  an  explicit  prelim 
inary  acknowledgment  of  it. 

About  the  middle  of  August  Jay  drew  up  a  letter, 
suggesting  very  ingeniously  that  it  was  incompati 
ble  with  the  dignity  of  the  king  of  England  to  nego 
tiate  except  with  an  independent  power ;  also  that 
an  obstacle  which  meant  everything  to  the  States, 
but  nothing  to  Great  Britain,  should  be  removed 
by  his  majesty.  Franklin  thought  that  the  letter 
expressed  too  positively  the  resolve  not  to  treat  save 
upon  this  basis  of  pre-acknowledged  independence. 
He  evidently  did  not  wish  to  bolt  too  securely  the 
door  through  which  he  anticipated  that  the  com 
missioners  might  in  time  feel  obliged  to  withdraw. 
Moreover  Jay  thought  that  at  this  time  "  the  doc 
tor  seemed  to  be  much  perplexed  and  fettered  by 
our  instructions  to  be  guided  by  the  advice  of  this 
court,"  a  direction  correctly  supposed  to  have  been 
procured  by  the  influence  of  the  French  envoy  at 
Philadelphia. 

Jay's  suspicions  concerning  the  French  minister 
happened  now  to  receive  opportune  corroboration. 
On  September  4th  Rayneval,  secretary  to  de  Ver- 
gennes,  had  a  long  interview  with  Jay  concerning 
boundaries,  in  which  he  argued  strongly  against 
the  American  claims  to  the  western  lands  lying  be 
tween  the  Alleghanies  and  the  Mississippi.  This 
touched  Jay  nearly,  for  the  navigation  of  the  Mis- 


370  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

sissippi  was  the  one  object  which  he  had  especially 
at  heart.  Six  days  later  the  famous  letter  of  Mar- 
bois,  de  la  Luzerne's  secretary,  which  had  been 
captured  en  route  from  Philadelphia  to  de  Ver- 
gennes  at  Paris,  was  put  into  the  hands  of  Jay 
through  the  instrumentality  of  the  English  cabi 
net.  This  outlined  a  scheme  for  a  secret  under 
standing  between  England  and  France  to  deprive 
the  Americans  of  the  Newfoundland  fisheries. 
This  evidence  seemed  to  prove  Jay's  case ;  yet 
Franklin  remained  strangely  unshaken  by  it,  for 
he  reflected  that  it  came  from  the  British  ministry 
and  was  infected  with  suspicion  by  this  channel. 
But  still  another  occurrence  came  to  strengthen 
Jay's  conviction  of  some  latent  hostility  in  the 
French  policy,  for  he  learned  that  Rayneval  was 
making  a  rapid  and  secret  journey  to  London.  He 
felt  sure  that  this  errand  was  to  intimate  to  Shel- 
burne  that  France  did  not  incline  to  support  the 
demands  of  her  American  allies.  In  the  fullness 
of  his  faith  he  took  a  courageous,  very  unconven 
tional,  but  eminently  successful  step.  He  per 
suaded  Vaughan  to  hasten  to  London,  and  to  pre 
sent  sundry  strong  arguments  going  to  show  that 
it  was  the  true  policy  of  England  to  grant  the  de 
mands  of  the  States  rather  than  to  fall  in  with  the 
subtle  plans  of  France.  He  felt  with  regret  that 
he  could  not  consult  Franklin  regarding  this  pro 
ceeding,  which  he  undertook  upon  his  own  sole  re 
sponsibility.  It  put  Shelburne  in  a  singular  posi 
tion,  as  arbiter  between  two  nations  enemies  of 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  371 

England  and  allies  of  each  other,  but  each  ma 
noeuvring1  to  secure  its  own  advantage  at  the  cost 
of  its  friend,  and  to  that  end  presuming  to  advise 
him  upon  English  interests.  He  did  not  ponder 
long  before  accepting  the  American  arguments  as 
the  better,  and  deciding  that  the  English  policy 
was  rather  to  be  liberal  towards  a  kindred  peo 
ple  than  to  unite  with  a  traditional  foe  in  curtail 
ing  their  prosperity.  He  said  to  Vaughan  :  "  Is 
the  new  commission  necessary  ?  "  "  It  is,"  replied 
Vaughan ;  and  his  lordship  at  once  gave  orders  for 
making  it  out.  Had  he  fallen  in  with  the  French 
ideas,  he  would,  upon  the  contrary,  have  cherished 
this  disagreement  for  a  while,  in  order  finally  to 
sell  out  a  concession  on  this  point  at  the  price  of 
some  such  substantial  matter  as  the  fisheries  or 
the  western  lands.  Forthwith  Vaughan  was  on  his 
way  back  to  Paris,  accompanied  by  a  messenger 
who  carried  the  amended  document  empowering 
Oswald  to  treat  with  the  commissioners  of  the 
"  Thirteen  United  States  of  America,  viz.  :  New 
Hampshire,"  etc.,  naming  them  all.  "  We  have  put 
the  greatest  confidence,  I  believe,  ever  placed  in 
man,  in  the  American  commissioners.  It  is  now 
to  be  seen  how  far  they  or  America  are  to  be  de 
pended  upon.  .  .  .  There  never  was  such  a  risk 
run  ;  I  hope  the  public  will  be  the  gainer,  else  our 
heads  must  answer  for  it,  and  deservedly."  Such 
were  the  grave  and  anxious  words  of  the  prime 
minister. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  this  commission  negotiations 


372  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

were  actively  resumed,  Franklin  and  Jay  on  one 
side,  Oswald  alone  on  the  other.  The  old  ground 
was  gone  over  again.  On  October  5-8,  both  par 
ties  assented  to  a  sketch  of  a  treaty,  which  Oswald 
transmitted  to  London  for  consideration  by  the 
ministry.  But  the  raising  of  the  siege  of  Gibral 
tar,  and  reflection  upon  the  probable  results  of  the 
incipient  estrangement  between  American  interests 
and  those  of  France  and  Spain,  now  induced  the 
English  to  hope  for  more  favorable  terms  in  some 
particulars.  So  instead  of  adopting  this  draft 
they  sent  over  Mr.  Strachey,  a  man  especially 
well  informed  concerning  the  disputed  boundaries, 
to  reinforce  Oswald  in  an  effort  to  obtain  modifi 
cations  on  these  points. 

Meantime  another  serious  difference  of  opinion 
was  developed  between  Franklin  and  Jay.  The  in 
fluence  of  de  Vergennes  at  Philadelphia  had  by  no 
means  been  exhausted  in  securing  colleagues  for 
Mr.  Adams.  He  had  further  desired  to  have  the 
American  envoys  instructed  that  no  American  de 
mands  outside  of  independence  must  be  allowed  to 
interpose  obstacles  in  the  way  of  French  purposes. 
In  this  he  had  been  wholly  successful.  Of  the 
demands  which  Congress  had  at  first  intended  to 
insist  upon,  one  after  another  was  reduced  to  a 
mere  recommendation,  until  at  last  independence 
alone  was  left  as  an  absolute  and  definitive  ulti 
matum.  Moreover  the  closing  paragraph  of  the 
instructions  actually  bade  the  envoys  to  main 
tain  constant  communication  with  their  generous 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  373 

ally  the  king  of  France,  and  in  the  last  resort  to 
be  governed  in  all  matters  by  his  advice.  This  ser 
vility  had  raised  the  ire  of  Jay  almost  to  the  point 
of  inducing  him  to  refuse  a  post  so  hedged  around 
with  humiliation.  With  his  views  concerning  the 
intentions  of  de  Vergennes  it  now  seemed  to  him 
intolerable  to  jeopard  American  interests  by  plac 
ing  them  at  the  mercy  of  a  cabinet  which  un 
mistakably,  as  it  seemed  to  him,  designed  to  sac 
rifice  them  to  its  own  ends.  Accordingly  he  was 
for  disobeying  this  unworthy  instruction  of  Con 
gress,  and  for  conducting  the  negotiation  in  strict 
secrecy  as  towards  the  French  minister.  But 
Franklin  was  no  less  resolute  on  the  other  side. 
His  established  and  grateful  confidence  in  de  Ver- 
gennes  remained  unshaken,  and  he  saw  no  error 
in  consulting  the  wisest,  and  by  all  proofs  the  best 
and  truest  friend  whom  the  States  had  ever  had. 
Moreover  he  saw  that  the  orders  of  Congress  were 
imperative.  It  was  a  serious  division.  Fortu 
nately  it  was  soon  settled  by  the  advent  of  John 
Adams,  about  the  end  of  October.  That  gentle 
man,  prompt,  fearless,  and  suspicious,  at  once  fell 
in  with  Jay's  views.  In  a  long  evening's  talk  he 
apparently  read  Franklin  a  pretty  severe  lecture, 
and  certainly  ranged  himself  very  positively  on 
Jay's  side.  Franklin  listened  to  his  vehement  col 
league,  and  at  the  moment  held  his  peace  in  his 
wise  way.  It  was  true  that  Adams  bi-ought  the 
casting  vote,  though  Franklin  of  course  might  re 
sist,  and  could  make  his  resistance  effectual  by  com- 


374  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

municating  to  de  Vergennes  all  which  passed,  and 
in  so  doing  he  would  be  backed  by  the  authority 
and  orders  of  Congress.  But  he  determined  not  to 
pursue  this  course.  When  next  they  all  met  for 
conference  he  turned  to  Jay  and  said :  "  I  am  of 
your  opinion,  and  will  go  on  without  consulting 
this  court."  This  was  all  that  passed  when  thus 
for  a  second  time  Franklin  surrendered.  Noth 
ing  indicates  by  what  motives  he  was  influenced. 
Some  writers  suggest  that  he  had  a  lurking  notion 
that  Jay's  views  were  not  altogether  ill-founded  ; 
but  later  he  declared  the  contrary.1  Others  fancy 
that  he  simply  yielded  to  a  majority  vote.  To  me 
it  seems  more  probable  that,  weighing  comparative 
importance,  he  gave  in  to  what  he  conceived  to 
be  the  supreme  necessity  of  advancing  to  a  speedy 
conclusion ;  for,  as  has  been  said,  he  keenly  ap 
preciated  that  time  was  pressing.  Parliament  was 
to  meet  in  a  few  weeks,  on  November  26,  and  it 
daily  became  more  evident  that  if  a  treaty  was  to 
be  made  at  all,  it  must  be  consummated  before 
that  date.  Now,  as  in  the  question  concerning 
the  preliminary  acknowledgment  of  independence, 
peace  overruled  all  considerations  of  minor  points. 
If  this  was  indeed  his  end,  he  achieved  it,  for 
negotiations  were  now  zealously  pushed.  The  im 
portant  question  of  the  western  boundaries  and 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  the  especial 
concern  of  Jay.  Spain  covertly  wished  to  see  the 
States  worsted  upon  these  demands,  and  confined 
*  Franklin's  Works,  viii.  305,  306. 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  375 

between  the  Alleghanies  and  the  sea;  and  the 
Bourbon  family  compact  influenced  France  to  con 
cur  with  the  Spanish  plans.  But  in  the  secret 
treating  Jay  prevailed.  The  fisheries  were  the 
peculiar  affair  of  Adams,  as  the  representative  of 
New  England.  France  would  fain  have  had  the 
States  shut  out  from  them  altogether ;  but  Adams 
carried  the  day.  Some  concessions  were  made  con 
cerning  the  collection  of  debts  owing  in  the  States 
to  Englishmen,  and  then  there  remained  only  the 
matter  of  indemnification  to  American  royalists. 
Upon  this  the  fight  was  waged  with  zeal  by  all ; 
yet  Franklin  had  the  chief  responsibility  to  bear. 
For  there  now  arose  to  plague  him  that  unfortu 
nate  proposition  of  his  for  the  cession  of  Canada 
and  the  restoration  of  confiscated  tory  property  in 
the  States.  This  encouraged  the  English  and  gave 
them  a  sort  of  argument.  Moreover  the  indem 
nification  was  "  uppermost  in  Lord  Shelburne's 
mind,"  because,  unlike  other  matters,  it  seemed  a 
point  of  honor.  With  what  face  could  the  min 
istry  meet  Parliament  with  a  treaty  deserting  all 
those  who  had  been  faithful  to  their  king?  It 
was  indeed  a  delicate  position,  and  the  English 
were  stubborn  ;  but  no  less  so  was  Franklin,  upon 
the  other  side.  With  the  great  province  of  Can 
ada  as  an  offset,  or  quasi  fund,  the  States  might 
have  assumed  such  an  obligation,  but  without  it, 
never.  Further  the  American  commissioners  re 
iterated  the  explanation  often  given :  that  Congress 
had  no  power  in  the  premises,  for  the  matter  lay 


376  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

within  the  sovereign  jurisdiction  of  each  state. 
This  argument,  however,  really  amounted  to  noth 
ing  ;  for  if  the  fact  was  so,  it  behoved  the  states 
to  give  their  agent,  the  Congress,  any  power  that 
was  necessary  for  making  a  fair  treaty  ;  and  Eng 
land  was  not  to  be  a  loser  by  reason  of  defects  in 
the  American  governmental  arrangements.  For  a 
while  it  really  seemed  that  the  negotiation  would 
be  wrecked  upon  this  issue,  so  immovable  was  each 
side.  As  Vaughan  wrote  :  "  If  England  wanted  to 
break,  she  could  not  wish  for  better  ground  on  her 
side.  You  do  not  break,  and  therefore  I  conclude 
you  both  sincere.  But  in  this  way  I  see  the  treaty 
is  likely  of  itself  to  break," 

Franklin  now  ingeniously  counteracted  his  ear 
lier  imprudence  by  reviving  an  old  suggestion  of 
his,  that  immense  claims  might  be  preferred  against 
England  on  behalf  of  Americans  whose  property 
had  been  wantonly  destroyed,  especially  by  the 
burning  and  plundering  of  towns,  and  he  actually 
presented  an  article  providing  for  such  compen 
sation,  and  an  elaborate  written  paper  sustain 
ing  it.1  At  last  the  Englishmen  sought  final  in 
structions  from  Lord  Shelburne.  He  replied  with 
spirit  that  it  should  be  understood  that  England 
was  not  yet  in  a  position  to  submit  to  "  humilia 
tion,"  least  of  all  at  the  hands  of  Americans  ;  but 
finally  he  so  far  yielded  as  to  say  that  indemni 
fication  need  not  be  absolutely  an  ultimatum.  This 
settled  the  matter ;  the  negotiators  who  could  yield 
1  Franklin's  Works,  viii.  218,  text  and  note. 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  377 

must  yield,  and  they  did  so.  A  sort  of  compro 
mise  article  was  inserted :  "  that  Congress  should 
recommend  to  the  state  legislatures  to  restore  the 
estates,  rights,  and  properties  of  real  British  sub 
jects."  The  American  envoys  knew  that  this  was 
worthless,  and  the  English  negotiators  certainly 
were  not  deceived.  But  the  article  sounded  well, 
and  gave  at  least  a  standing  ground  for  the  min 
istry  to  defend  themselves.1  On  November  30  the 
articles  were  at  last  signed,  with  the  stipulation 
that  they  were  for  the  present  merely  preliminary 
and  provisional,  and  that  they  should  be  executed 
as  a  definitive  treaty  only  simultaneously  with  the 
execution  of  a  treaty  of  peace  between  France  and 
England. 

The  business  was  finished  none  too  soon.  In 
order  to  cover  it  the  meeting  of  Parliament  had 
been  postponed  until  December  5.  The  danger 
which  had  been  escaped,  and  which  would  not  have 
been  escaped  had  Franklin  had  a  less  correct  ap- 

1  It  is  not  without  interest  in  this  connection  to  remark  that 
Franklin  was  very  ill-disposed  towards  the  "loyalists,"  having 
scant  toleration  for  their  choice  of  a  party.  For  a  man  of  his 
liberality  and  moderation  his  language  concerning  them  was 
severe.  He  objected  to  calling  them  ''  loyalists,"  thinking  "  roy 
alists  "  a  more  correct  description.  To  indemnification  of  their 
losses  by  Parliament  he  had  "no  objection,"  for  the  damnatory 
reason  that  "  even  a  hired  assassin  has  a  right  to  his  pay  from 
his  employer."  Franklin's  Works,  ix.  133.  He  often  spoke  in 
the  like  tone  about  these  people  See,  for  example,  Works,  ix. 
70,  72.  But  when  the  war  was  over  and  the  natural  mildness  of 
his  disposition  could  resume  its  sway,  he  once  at  least  spoke  more 
gently  of  them.  Ibid.,  415, 


378  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

preciation  of  relative  values  in  the  negotiation,  at 
once  became  apparent.  The  howl  of  condemnation 
swelled  loud  in  the  House  of  Commons ;  it  was  felt 
that  the  ministry  had  made  not  a  treaty  but  a 
"capitulation."  The  unfortunate  Shelburne  was 
driven  out  of  power,  pursued  by  an  angry  outcry 
from  persons  altogether  incapable  of  appreciating 
the  sound  statesmanship  and  the  wise  forecast  of 
the  future  advantage  of  England  which  he  had 
shown  in  preferring  to  give  the  colonies  a  chance 
to  become  a  great,  English-speaking,  English-sym 
pathizing,  commercial  people,  rather  than  to  feed 
fat  the  aspirations  of  France  and  Spain.  These 
proceedings  would  have  been  good  evidence,  had 
evidence  been  wanting,  that  the  American  commis 
sioners  had  done  a  brilliant  piece  of  work.  De 
Vergennes  also  added  his  testimony,  saying :  "  The 
English  have  bought  the  peace  rather  than  made 
it." 

If  the  original  instructions  given  to  Oswald  are 
compared  with  the  treaty  it  will  be  found  that 
England  had  conceded  much  ;  on  the  other  hand 
the  Americans,  with  no  ultimatum  save  indepen 
dence,  had  gained  in  substance  all  that  they  had 
dared  seriously  to  insist  upon.  One  would  think 
that  Franklin,  Jay,  and  Adams  had  fairly  won 
warm  gratitude  at  the  hands  of  their  countrymen. 
Posterity,  at  least  since  the  publication  of  long 
suppressed  private  papers  and  archives  has  shown 
what  powerful  occult  influences  were  at  work  to 
thwart  them,  regards  their  achievement  with  un- 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  379 

limited  admiration.     But  at  that  time  a  different 
feeling  prevailed. 

No  sooner  were  the  preliminary  or  provisional 
articles  signed  than  Franklin  informed  de  Ver- 
gennes  of  the  fact.  That  minister  was  much  sur 
prised.  He  had  been  quietly  biding  his  time,  ex 
pecting  to  be  invoked  when  the  English  and  the 
Americans  should  find  themselves  stopped  by  that 
deadlock  which  he  had  done  his  best  to  bring  about 
by  his  secret  intimations  to  England.  He  was  now 
astonished  to  learn  that  England  had  not  availed 
herself  of  his  astute  suggestions,  but  had  given  terms 
which  the  Americans  had  gladly  accepted.  The 
business  was  all  done,  and  the  clever  diplomat  had 
not  had  his  chance.  At  first  he  said  nothing,  but 
for  a  few  days  pondered  the  matter.  Then  on  De 
cember  15th  he  disburdened  his  mind  in  a  very 
sharp  letter  to  Franklin.  "I  am  at  a  loss,"  he 
wrote,  "  to  explain  your  conduct  and  that  of  your 
colleagues  on  this  occasion.  You  have  concluded 
your  preliminary  articles  without  any  communica 
tion  between  us,  although  the  instructions  from 
Congress  prescribe  that  nothing  shall  be  done  with 
out  the  participation  of  the  king.  You  are  about 
to  hold  out  a  certain  hope  of  peace  to  America, 
without  even  informing  yourself  of  the  state  of  the 
negotiation  on  our  part.  You  are  wise  and  dis 
creet,  sir ;  you  perfectly  understand  what  is  due  to 
propriety ;  you  have  all  your  life  performed  your 
duties ;  I  pray  you  consider  how  you  propose  tp 
fulfill  those  which  are  due  to  the  king." 


380  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Franklin  found  himself  in  a  painful  position  ;  for 
he  could  by  no  means  deny  that  he  had  duties,  or  at 
least  something  very  near  akin  to  duties,  to  the  king, 
imposed  upon  him  by  numerous  and  weighty  obli 
gations  which  at  his  request  had  been  conferred 
upon  him  and  accepted  by  him  on  behalf  of  the 
American  people.  The  violation  of  the  instruc 
tions  of  Congress  gave  to  the  secret  treating  too 
much  the  air  of  an  insulting  distrust,  of  the  throw 
ing  over  a  friend  when  he  had  been  sufficiently 
used ;  for  whatever  might  be  suspected,  it  could  by 
no  means  be  proved  that  de  Vergennes  was  not 
still  the  sincere  friend  which  he  certainly  long  had 
been.  This  bore  hard  upon  Franklin.  The  policy 
which  in  fact  had  been  forced  upon  him  against  his 
will  by  his  colleagues  was  now  made  a  matter  of 
personal  reproach  against  him  especially,  because 
he  was  persistently  regarded  as  the  head  and  front 
of  the  commission;  no  European  yet  dreamed  of 
considering  any  other  American  as  of  much  conse 
quence  in  any  matter  in  which  Franklin  was  con 
cerned.  During  long  years  de  Vergennes  had  been 
his  constant  and  efficient  adviser  and  assistant  in 
many  a  day  of  trial  and  of  stress,  and  Franklin  be 
lieved  him  to  be  still  an  honest  well-wisher  to  the 
States.  Moreover  it  actually  was  only  a  very  few 
weeks  since  Franklin  had  applied  for  and  obtained 
a  new  loan  at  a  time  when  the  king  was  so  pressed 
for  his  own  needs  that  a  lottery  was  projected,  and 
bills  drawn  by  his  own  officials  were  going  to  pro 
test.  All  this  made  the  secrecy  which  had  been 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  381 

practiced  seem  almost  like  duplicity  on  Franklin's 
part,  and  he  felt  keenly  the  ill  light  in  which  he 
was  placed.  It  is  true  that  if  he  had  known  then 
all  that  we  know  now,  his  mind  would  have  been  at 
ease ;  but  he  did  not  know  it,  and  he  was  seriously 
disturbed  at  the  situation  into  which  he  had  been 
brought. 

But  his  usual  skill  did  not  desert  him,  and  his 
reply  was  aptly  framed  and  prompt.  "  Nothing," 
he  said,  "  had  been  agreed  in  the  preliminaries 
contrary  to  the  interests  of  France  ;  and  no  peace 
is  to  take  place  between  us  and  England  till  you 
have  concluded  yours.  Your  observation  is,  how 
ever,  apparently  just  that,  in  not  consulting  you 
before  they  were  signed,  we  have  been  guilty  of 
neglecting  a  point  of  bienseance.  But  as  this  was 
not  from  want  of  respect  for  the  king,  whom  we 
all  love  and  honor,  we  hope  it  will  be  excused,  and 
that  the  great  work  which  has  hitherto  been  so 
happily  conducted,  is  so  nearly  brought  to  perfec 
tion,  and  is  so  glorious  to  his  reign,  will  not  be 
ruined  by  a  single  indiscretion  of  ours.  And  cer 
tainly  the  whole  edifice  sinks  to  the  ground  im 
mediately  if  you  refuse  on  that  account  to  give  us 
any  further  assistance.  ...  It  is  not  possible  for 
any  one  to  be  more  sensible  than  I  am  of  what  I 
and  every  American  owe  to  the  king  for  the  many 
and  great  benefits  and  favors  he  has  bestowed  upon 
us.  .  .  .  The  English,  I  just  no^Mycwn,  flatter 
themselves  they  have  already  divided'  u&J  1 1  ft  h#pe 
this  little  misunderstanding  will,  therefore,  be  Kfept 


382  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

a  secret,  and  that  they  will  find  themselves  totally 
mistaken." 

This  letter  in  a  measure  accomplished  its  sooth 
ing  errand.  Yet  de  Yergennes  did  not  refrain 
from  writing  to  de  la  Luzerne  that  "the  reserva 
tion  retained  on  our  account  does  not  save  the  in 
fraction  of  the  promise,  which  we  have  mutually 
made,  not  to  sign  except  conjointly ;  "  and  he  said 
that  it  would  be  "  proper  that  the  most  influential 
members  of  Congress  should  be  informed  of  the 
very  irregular  conduct  of  their  commissioners  in 
regard  to  us,"  though  "  not  in  the  tone  of  com 
plaint."  "  I  accuse  no  person,"  he  added,  "  not 
even  Dr.  Franklin.  He  has  yielded  too  easily  to 
the  bias  of  his  colleagues,  who  do  not  pretend  to 
recognize  the  rules  of  courtesy  in  regard  to  us. 
All  their  attentions  have  been  taken  up  by  the 
English  whom  they  have  met  in  Paris." 

So  soon  as  the  facts  were  known  in  the  States 
expressions  of  condemnation  were  lavished  upon 
the  commissioners  by  members  of  Congress  who 
thought  that  the  secrecy  as  towards  France  was  an 
inexcusable  slight  to  a  generous  and  faithful  ally. 
Livingston,  as  secretary  for  foreign  affairs,  wrote 
to  the  envoys,  commending  the  treaty,  but  finding 
fault  with  the  manner  of  attaining  it.  Jay,  an 
gered  at  the  injustice  of  a  reproof  which  belonged 
more  especially  to  him,  drew  up  an  exculpatory 
statement.  But  Franklin,  showing  his  usual  good 
sense  and  moderation,  sought  to  mitigate  Jay's  in 
dignation,  drew  all  the  sting  out  of  the  document, 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  883 

and  insisted  upon  leaving  the  vindication  to  time 
and  second  thoughts.  For  his  own  part  Frank 
lin  not  only  had  to  take  his  full  share  of  the  re 
proaches  heaped  upon  the  commissioners  for  in 
sulting  France,  but  upon  the  other  hand  he  was 
violently  assaulted  on  the  quite  opposite  ground, 
that  he  had  desired  to  be  too  subservient  to  that 
power.  Many  persons  insisted  that  he  "  favored, 
or  did  not  oppose,"  the  designs  of  France  to  rule 
out  the  States  from  the  fisheries,  and  to  curtail  their 
boundaries ;  and  that  it  was  only  due  to  the  "  firm 
ness,  sagacity,  and  disinterestedness  "  of  Jay  and 
Adams  that  these  mischiefs  were  escaped. 

Such  were  the  fault-findings  and  criminations 
to  which  the  diplomatic  complexities,  which  it  was 
impossible  then  to  unravel,  gave  rise.  Fortu 
nately  they  were  soon  rendered  mere  personal 
and  abstract  disputes,  of  little  practical  conse 
quence,  by  the  simultaneous  execution  of  defini 
tive  treaties  by  France  and  the  United  States 
with  Great  Britain  on  September  3,  1783.  Many 
efforts  had  been  made  to  insert  additional  articles, 
especially  as  to  commercial  matters  ;  but  they  were 
all  abortive.  The  establishment  of  peace  had  ex 
hausted  the  capacity  of  the  States  and  England  to 
agree  together ;  and  the  pressure  of  war  being  re 
moved,  they  at  once  fell  into  very  inimical  atti 
tudes.  So  the  definitive  treaty  was  substantially 
identical  with  the  provisional  one. 

Franklin,  after  a  while,  finding  that  these  charges 
of  his  having  preferred  France  to  his  own  country 


384  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

were  being  reiterated  with  such  innuendoes  as  to 
bring  his  integrity  into  serious  question,  felt  it 
necessary  to  appeal  to  his  colleagues  for  vindica 
tion.  He  wrote  to  them  a  modest,  manly  letter,1 
and  in  reply  received  from  Jay  a  generous  testi 
monial,2  and  from  Adams  a  carefully  narrow  ac 
quittal.3  The  subsequent  publication  of  Franklin's 
papers  written  at,  and  long  before,  the  time  of  the 
negotiation,  show  that  he  was  inclined  to  demand 
from  Great  Britain  fully  as  much  as  any  American 
upon  either  side  of  the  ocean. 

In  taking  leave  of  the  subject  it  is  interesting  to 
know  that  in  point  of  fact  the  secret  action  of  the 
American  commissioners  was  very  nearly  fraught 
with  serious  injury  to  France.  For  when  the  States 
were  practically  eliminated  from  active  war  by  the 
signing  of  the  provisional  articles,  five  members  of 
Shelburne's  cabinet  were  in  favor  of  breaking  off 
negotiations  with  France,  and  continuing  the  con 
test  with  her.4 

During  the  negotiation  Franklin  wrote  to  Lau- 
rens  :  "  I  have  never  yet  known  of  a  peace  made 
that  did  not  occasion  a  great  deal  of  popular  dis- 

1  Works,  viii.  340;   and  see  Ibid.,  353. 

2  Ibid.,  350.  3  Ibid.,  354. 

*  I  have  not  endeavored  to  give  a  detailed  account  of  this  ne 
gotiation,  though  the  narrative  would  be  very  interesting-,  because 
it  seems  to  me  that  the  proper  place  for  it  will  be  furnished  by 
the  Life  of  Jay.  That  volume  will  soon  appear  in  this  Series,  and 
will  contain  a  very  full  and  accurate  presentation  of  this  entire 
affair,  drawn  from  those  sources  which  have  only  very  recently 
become  public,  and  which  g-o  far  to  remove  former  questions  out 
of  the  realm  of  discussion. 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  385 

content,  clamor,  and  censure  on  both  sides,  ...  so 
that  the  blessing  promised  to  peacemakers,  I  fancy, 
relates  to  the  next  world,  for  in  this   they  seem 
to  have  a  greater  chance  of  being  cursed."     The 
prognostication  was  fulfilled.     The  act  which  gave 
peace  to  the  warring  nations,  brought  anything  but 
good  will  among  the  American  negotiators.     Jay 
was  so  just,  conscientious,  and  irreproachable  a  gen 
tleman  in  every  respect  that  he  escaped  unvexed  by 
any  personal  quarrel ;  moreover  he  was  not  so  dis 
tinguished  as  to  have  become  the  victim  of  envy  and 
jealousy.     But  the  antipathy  previously  so  unhap 
pily  existing  between  Franklin  and  Adams  became 
greatly  aggravated,  and  their  respective  advocates 
in  historical  literature  have  not  to  this  day  reached 
an  accord.     Adams  was  a  relentless  hater,  and  has 
bequeathed    bitter   diatribes,   which,    as   they   can 
never  be  obliterated,  can  never  cease  to  excite  the 
ire  of  the  admirers  of  Franklin.      On    the  other 
side,  Franklin  has  at  least  the  merit  of  having  left 
not  a  malicious  line  behind  him.     I  have  no  mind 
to  endeavor  to  apportion  merits  and  demerits  be 
tween  these  two  great  foemen,  able  men  and  true 
patriots  both,  having  no  room  for  these  personali 
ties  of  history,  which,  though  retaining  that  kind 
of  interest  always  pertaining  to  a  feud,  are  really 
very  little  profitable.     Perhaps,  after  all,  the  discus 
sion  would  prove  to  be  not  unlike  the  classic  one 
which  led  two  knights  to  fight  about  the  golden- 
silver  shield. 

Yet  one  dispute,  which   has  been  long  waged, 


386  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

no  longer  admits  of  doubt.  The  suspicions  of  the 
good  faith  of  de  Vergennes  which  Jay  first  enter 
tained,  which  Adams  adopted,  and  which  Franklin 
rejected,  were  undoubtedly  correct.  As  the  years 
go  by  and  collections  of  private  papers  and  of 
hitherto  suppressed  public  archives  find  their  way 
to  the  light,  the  accumulated  evidence  to  this  effect 
has  become  overwhelming.  Such  being  the  case, 
it  must  be  admitted  that  the  vital  merit  in  the  con 
duct  of  this  difficult  negotiation  rests  with  Jay ; 
that  Adams  has  the  credit  belonging  to  one  who 
accepts  a  correct  view  when  presented  to  him  ;  and 
that  Franklin  did  more  wisely  than  he  knew  in 
twice  assenting  to  a  course  which  seemed  to  him 
based  upon  erroneous  beliefs. 

There  is  abundant  evidence  that  from  the  very 
outset  Franklin  was  not  less  resolute  than  was 
Adams  about  the  fisheries ;  and  that  he  was  in  per 
fect  accord  with  Jay  about  the  western  boundaries 
and  the  Mississippi ;  though  Adams  and  Jay  did 
most  of  the  talking  concerning  these  subjects,  re 
spectively.  When  it  came  to  the  even  more  diffi 
cult  matter  of  the  royalists,  Franklin  in  turn  took 
the  laboring  oar.  So  far  therefore  as  the  three 
cardinal  points  of  the  negotiation  were  concerned 
honors  were  very  evenly  divided.  But  the  value 
of  Franklin's  contribution  to  the  treating  is  not  to 
be  measured  either  by  his  backwardness  in  sup 
porting  Jay  in  certain  points,  or  by  his  firm  atti 
tude  about  boundaries,  royalists,  and  fisheries.  All 
these  things  he  had  outlined  and  arranged  with 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  387 

Oswald  at  an  early  stage  in  the  negotiating.  Later 
he  fell  seriously  ill  and  was  for  a  long  while  in  no 
fit  condition  for  work.  Yet  the  treaty  seemed  to 
be  made  under  his  auspices.  In  reading  the  great 
quantity  of  diaries  and  correspondence  which  relate 
to  the  transactions,  many  a  passage  indicates  the 
sense  of  respect  with  which  he  was  looked  up  to. 
The  high  opinion  entertained  of  his  ability,  integ 
rity,  and  fair-mindedness  influenced  very  power 
fully  the  minds  of  the  English  ministry  and  their 
envoys.  "  I  am  disposed,"  said  Shelburue,  "  to 
expect  everything  from  Dr.  Franklin's  comprehen 
sive  understanding  and  character."  The  like  feel 
ing,  strengthened  by  personal  confidence  and  re 
gard,  went  far  to  keep  de  Vergennes  from  untimely 
intermeddling  and  from  advancing  embarrassing 
claims  of  supervision.  Altogether,  it  was  again 
the  case  that  Franklin's  prestige  in  Europe  was  in 
valuable  to  America,  and  it  is  certainly  true  that 
beneath  its  protection  Jay  and  Adams  were  able  to 
do  their  work  to  advantage.  Had  they  stood  alone 
they  would  have  encountered  difficulties  which 
would  have  seriously  curtailed  their  efforts. 1  It 
is  truth  and  not  theory  that  Franklin's  mere  name 
and  presence  were  sufficient  to  balance  the  scale 
against  the  abilities  and  the  zeal  of  both  his  coad 
jutors. 

It  seems  hardly  necessary  to  endeavor  to  palli 
ate  Franklin's  error  in  failing  to  detect  the  dupli- 

1  See,  for    example,  Franklin's   Works,  viii    29,  67,  note,  69, 
70,  77,  109,  112,  note,  133,  note,  260. 


388  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

city  of  de  Vergennes.  On  the  contrary,  it  would 
give  a  less  agreeable  idea  of  him  had  he  been 
ready  to  believe  so  ill  of  an  old  and  tried  friend. 
For  years  Franklin  had  been  the  medium  through 
whom  had  passed  countless  benefits  from  France  to 
the  States,  benefits  of  which  many  had  been  costly 
and  inconvenient  for  the  giver  ;  he  had  been  treated 
with  high  consideration  at  this  court,  when  no 
other  court  in  all  Europe  would  even  receive  an 
American  ambassador ;  he  had  enjoyed  every  possi 
ble  token  of  esteem  and  confidence  both  personally 
and  in  his  official  capacity;  he  had  ever  found 
fair  words  backed  by  no  less  fair  deeds.  In  short, 
the  vast  mass  of  visible  evidence  seemed  to  him 
to  lie,  and  in  fact  did  lie,  all  on  one  side.  On 
September  13,  1781,  writing  to  the  president  of 
Congress,  he  said  that  de  Vergennes  had  just  read 
to  him  a  copy  of  the  instructions  prepared  by  Con 
gress  for  the  commissioners,  and  that  the  minister 
"  expressed  his  satisfaction  with  the  unreserved 
confidence  placed  in  his  court  by  the  Congress,  as 
suring  me  that  they  would  never  have  cause  to  re 
gret  it,  for  that  the  king  had  the  honor  of  the 
United  States  at  heart,  as  well  as  their  welfare 
and  independence.  Indeed,  this  has  been  already 
manifested  in  the  negotiations  relative  to  the  pleni 
potentiaries  ;  and  I  have  already  had  so  much  ex 
perience  of  his  majesty's  goodness  to  us,  in  the 
aids  afforded  us  from  time  to  time,  and  by  the  sin 
cerity  of  this  upright  and  able  minister,  who  never 
promised  me  anything  that  he  did  not  punctually 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  389 

perform,  that  I  cannot  but  think  the  confidence 
well  and  judiciously  placed,  and  that  it  will  have 
happy  effects."  Every  event  in  the  history  of 
many  years  made  it  natural  and  right  for  Franklin 
to  feel  in  this  way ;  and  it  surely  was  no  cause  for 
distrust  that  de  Vergennes  had  had  the  interest  of 
France  in  mind  as  an  original  motive  for  aiding 
America,  when  throughout  the  war  Franklin  had 
witnessed  France  straining  every  nerve  and  taxing 
every  resource  to  aid  her  ally,  in  perfect  sincerity  ; 
and  when  also,  upon  the  suggestion  of  negotiations, 
he  had  just  seen  de  Yergennes  adhere  rigidly  to 
his  word  to  do  no  treating  save  collaterally  with 
the  Americans,  and  refuse  to  take  advantage  of 
Grenville's  efforts  to  reach  the  Americans  through 
the  French  minister.  Even  though  de  Vergennes 
had  disapproved  the  delay  caused  by  Jay's  objec 
tion  to  the  form  of  the  commission,  still  he  had 
honorably  stayed  his  own  negotiation  until  that 
matter  was  favorably  settled.  Early  in  the  negoti 
ations  Grenville  said  to  Franklin  that  the  States 
owed  no  gratitude  to  France,  since  she  had  in  fact 
only  promoted  her  own  interests.  The  remark  ex 
cited  Franklin's  indignation,  and  he  says  :  "  I  told 
him  I  was  so  strongly  impressed  with  the  kind  as 
sistance  afforded  us  by  France  in  our  distress,  and 
the  generous  and  noble  manner  in  which  it  was 
granted,  without  extracting  or  stipulating  for  a  sin 
gle  privilege  or  particular  advantage  to  herself  in 
our  commerce,  or  otherwise,  that  I  could  never  suf 
fer  myself  to  think  of  such  reasonings  for  lessening 


390  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

the  obligation,  and  I  hoped,  and  indeed  did  not 
doubt,  but  my  countrymen  were  all  of  the  same 
sentiments."  The  words  do  his  heart  none  the 
less  honor,  because  it  has  been  since  discovered 
that  his  confidence  was  too  implicit.  In  truth  de 
Vergennes  had  been  extremely  scrupulous  and  deli 
cate  throughout,  in  all  matters  which  could  fall 
within  the  observation  of  the  Americans.  At  the 
outset  he  said  to  Franklin  :  the  English  "  want  to 
treat  with  us  for  you  ;  but  this  the  king  will  not 
agree  to.  He  thinks  it  not  consistent  with  the 
dignity  of  your  state.  You  will  treat  for  your 
selves  ;  and  every  one  of  the  powers  at  war  will 
make  its  own  treaty.  All  that  is  necessary  is  that 
the  treaties  go  hand  in  hand,  and  are  all  signed  on 
the  same  day."  Thus,  to  one  who  could  believe 
de  Vergennes,  everything  seemed  fair  and  sincere, 
and  Franklin  at  least  had  a  right  to  believe  de 
Vergennes. 

Furthermore  it  was  not  until  negotiations  actu 
ally  began  that  the  previous  condition  of  French 
relationship,  as  Franklin  had  well  known  it  for 
many  years,  underwent  a  sudden  and  complete 
change.  Then  at  last  were  presented  new  tempta 
tions  before  which  friendship  and  good  faith  could 
not  stand,  and  each  nation,  keeping  a  decorous  ex 
terior,  anxiously  studied  its  own  advantage.  It 
was  the  trying  hour  when  the  spoils  were  to  be 
divided.  The  States  themselves  preferred  the 
profit  of  their  enemy  England  to  that  of  their  half- 
friend  Spain.  Franklin  did  not  appreciate  this 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  391 

quick  turning  of  the  kaleidoscope,  with  the  instant 
change  of  all  the  previous  political  proximities ;  in 
view  of  his  age,  his  infirmities,  his  recent  experi 
ence  in  France,  and  his  habitual  generous  faith  in 
his  fellow-men,  this  failure  should  give  rise  neither 
to  surprise  nor  censure. 


In  1782,  after  signing  the  preliminary  articles, 
Franklin  a  second  time  sent  to  Congress  his  re 
signation.  He  received  no  reply  to  this  commu 
nication,  and  again,  therefore,  after  the  execution 
of  the  definitive  treaty,  he  renewed  his  request 
to  be  relieved.  But  still  Congress  delayed.  They 
wished  to  enter  into  commercial  treaties  with  the 
European  nations,  and  in  spite  of  the  rebukes 
which  their  chairman  of  the  committee  for  for 
eign  affairs  had  administered  to  Franklin,  Jay, 
and  Adams,  they  now  showed  no  readiness  to  re 
move  these  gentlemen  from  the  diplomatic  service. 
Franklin  accordingly  remained  in  Paris,  probably 
with  no  great  reluctance,  for  he  was  attached  to  the 
place  and  the  people,  and  his  affection  was  warmly 
returned.  It  was  a  light  labor  to  conduct  the 
negotiations  for  the  desired  commercial  treaties. 
Sweden,  Denmark,  Portugal,  and  even  Morocco,  all 
made  advances  to  him  almost  immediately  after  the 
signing  of  the  treaty  of  peace.  For  the  most  part 
he  had  the  gratification  of  success.  His  last  official 
act,  just  before  his  departure  from  Paris,  was  the 
signature  of  a  treaty  with  Prussia,  in  which  it  was 


392  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

agreed  to  abolish  privateering,1  and  to  hold  private 
property  by  land  and  sea  secure  from  destruction 
in  time  of  war.  It  was  pleasant  thus  to  be  intro 
ducing  his  country  to  the  handshaking,  so  to  speak, 
of  the  old  established  nations  of  the  world.  So  his 
life  glided  on  agreeably.  He  was  recognized  as  one 
of  the  most  illustrious  men  living  ;  and  to  enjoy 
such  a  reputation  in  Paris  in  those  days,  especially 
when  it  was  supplemented  by  personal  popularity, 
was  to  find  one's  self  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  which 
the  world  could  bestow  to  make  delightful  days. 

In  August,  1784,  Jefferson  arrived  to  assist  in 
the  commercial  business.  But  it  was  not  until 
March,  1785,  that  Congress  at  last  voted  that 
Franklin  might  "  return  to  America  as  soon  as  con 
venient,"  and  that  Jefferson  should  succeed  him  as 
minister  at  the  French  court.  Jefferson  has  borne 
good  testimony  to  Franklin's  situation,  as  he  ob 
served  it.  A  few  years  later,  in  February,  1791, 
he  wrote  :  "  I  can  only  therefore  testify  in  gen 
eral  that  there  appeared  to  me  more  respect  and 
veneration  attached  to  the  character  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin  in  France,  than  to  that  of  any  other  person  in 
the  same  country,  foreign  or  native.  I  had  oppor 
tunities  of  knowing  particularly  how  far  these  sen 
timents  were  felt  by  the  foreign  ambassadors  and 
ministers  at  the  court  of  Versailles.  ...  I  found 
the  ministers  of  France  equally  impressed  with  the 
talents  and  integrity  of  Dr.  Franklin.  The  Count 
de  Yergennes  particularly  gave  me  repeated  and 
1  See  letter  to  Hartley,  Franklin's  Works,  viii.  287. 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  393 

unequivocal  demonstrations  of  his  entire  confidence 
in  him."  When  Jefferson  was  asked :  "  C'est 
vous,  Monsieur,  qui  remplace  le  Docteur  Frank 
lin  ?"  he  used  to  reply  :  "  No  one  can  replace  him, 
sir ;  I  am  only  his  successor  ;  "  and  we  may  be  sure 
that  the  Frenchmen  appreciated  and  fully  agreed 
with  an  expression  of  courtesy  which  chimed  so 
well  with  their  own  customs  of  speech.  Later,  in 
1818,  Jefferson  wrote  an  interesting  letter  concern 
ing  the  calumnies  from  which  Franklin's  reputa 
tion  still  suffered :  — 

"  Dr.  Franklin  had  many  political  enemies,  as  every 
character  must  which,  with  decision  enough  to  have 
opinions,  has  energy  and  talent  to  give  them  effect  on 
the  feelings  of  the  adversary  opinion.  These  enmities 
were  chiefly  in  Pennsylvania  and  Massachusetts.  In 
the  former  they  were  merely  of  the  proprietary  party. 
In  the  latter  they  did  not  commence  till  the  Revolu 
tion,  and  then  sprung  chiefly  from  personal  animosities, 
which,  spreading  by  little  and  little,  became  at  length  of 
some  extent.  Dr.  Lee  was  his  principal  calumniator,  a 
man  of  much  malignity,  who,  besides  enlisting  his  whole 
family  in  the  same  hostility,  was  enabled,  as  the  agent  of 
Massachusetts  with  the  British  government,  to  infuse  it 
into  that  State  with  considerable  effect.  Mr.  Izard,  the 
doctor's  enemy  also,  but  from  a  pecuniary  transaction, 
never  countenanced  these  charges  against  him.  Mr.  Jay, 
Silas  Deane,  Mr.  Laurens,  his  colleagues  also,  ever  main 
tained  towards  him  unlimited  confidence  and  respect. 
That  he  would  have  waived  the  formal  recognition  of 
our  independence,  I  never  heard  on  any  authority 
worthy  notice.  AS  to  the  fisheries,  England  was  urgent 


394  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

to  retain  them  exclusively,  France  neutral,  and  I  believe 
that,  had  they  ultimately  been  made  a  sine  qua  non,  our 
commissioners  (Mr.  Adams  excepted)  would  have  re 
linquished  them  rather  than  have  broken  off  the  treaty. 
To  Mr.  Adams's  perseverance  alone,  on  that  point,  I 
have  always  understood  we  were  indebted  for  their  re 
servation.  As  to  the  charge  of  subservience  to  France, 
besides  the  evidence  of  his  friendly  colleagues  before 
named,  two  years  of  my  own  service  with  him  at  Paris, 
daily  visits,  and  the  most  friendly  and  confidential  con 
versation,  convince  me  it  had  not  a  shadow  of  founda 
tion.  He  possessed  the  confidence  of  that  government  in 
the  highest  degree,  insomuch  that  it  may  truly  be  said 
that  they  were  more  under  his  influence  than  he  under 
theirs.  The  fact  is  that  his  temper  was  so  amiable  and 
conciliatory,  his  conduct  so  rational,  never  urging  impos 
sibilities,  or  even  things  unreasonably  inconvenient  to 
them,  in  short  so  moderate  and  attentive  to  their  diffi 
culties,  as  well  as  our  own,  that  what  his  enemies  called 
subserviency  I  saw  was  only  that  reasonable  disposition 
which,  sensible  that  advantages  are  not  all  to  be  on  one 
side,  yielding  what  is  just  and  liberal,  is  the  more  cer 
tain  of  obtaining  liberality  and  justice.  Mutual  confi 
dence  produces  of  course  mutual  influence,  and  this  was 
all  which  subsisted  between  Dr.  Franklin  and  the  gov 
ernment  of  France."  l 

When  at  last,  in  the  summer  of  1785,  Franklin 
took  his  farewell  of  the  much-loved  land  of  France, 
the  distinguished  attentions  which  he  received  left 
no  doubt  of  the  admiration  in  which  he  was  held. 
Indeed,  many  persons  pressed  him  to  remain  in 
1  Jefferson's  Works,  vii.  108. 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS.  395 

France,  and  three  offered  him  homes  in  their  own 
families,  telling  him  that  not  even  in  America  could 
he  expect  esteem  and  love  so  unalloyed  as  he  en 
joyed  in  France,  and  warning  him  also  that   he 
might  not  survive  the  voyage.     But  he  said :  "  The 
desire  of  spending  the  little  remainder  of  life  with 
my  family  is  so  strong  as  to  determine  me  to  try  at 
least  whether  I  can  bear  the  motion  of  the  ship.   If 
not,  I  must  get  them  to  set  me  ashore  somewhere  in 
the  Channel  and  content  myself  to  die  in  Europe." 
When  the  day  of  departure  from  Passy  came  "  it 
seemed,"  said  Jefferson,  "  as  if  the  village  had  lost 
its  patriarch."     His  infirmities  rendered  the  mo 
tion   of  a   carriage   painful  to  him,  and  the  king 
therefore  placed  at  his  disposal  one  of    the  queen's 
litters,  which  bore  him  by  easy  stages  to  the  sea 
coast.     He  carried  with  him  the  customary  compli 
mentary  portrait  of  the  king ;  but  it  was  far  be 
yond  the  ordinary  magnificence,  for  it  was  framed 
in  a  double  circle  of  four  hundred  and  eight  dia 
monds,  and  was  of  unusual  cost  and  beauty.     On 
July  18  he  arrived  at  Havre,  and  crossed  the  Chan 
nel  to  take  ship  at  Portsmouth.     The  British  gov 
ernment  offset  the  discourtesy  with  which  it  was 
irritating  Mr.  Adams  by  ordering  that  the  effects 
of  Dr.  Franklin's  party  should  be  exempt  from  the 
usual  examination  at  the  custom  house.     His  old 
friend,  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  "  America's  con 
stant  friend,"  came  to  see  him.     So  also  did  his 
tory  son,  the  ex-governor  of  New  Jersey,  with  whom 
a  sort  of  reconciliation  had  been  patched  up.     He 


396  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

sailed  with  Captain,  afterward  Commodore,  Trux- 
ton,  who  found  him  a  most  agreeable  companion. 

Of  all  things  in  the  world  a  sea  voyage  most  in 
duces  to  utter  idleness,  and  it  is  a  striking  proof  of 
the  mental  industry  of  this  aged  man  that  during 
the  seven  weeks  of  this  summer  passage  across 
the  Atlantic  he  wrote  three  essays,  which  remain 
among  his  best.  But  he  never  in  his  life  found  a 
few  weeks  in  which  his  mind  was  relieved  from  en 
forced  reflection  upon  affairs  of  business  that  he 
did  not  take  his  pen  in  hand  for  voluntary  tasks. 
During  the  last  eighteen  months  of  his  life  in  Paris 
all  the  social  distractions  incident  to  his  distin 
guished  position  had  not  prevented  his  writing 
some  of  the  best  papers  which  he  has  bequeathed 
to  literature. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

AT    HOME  I     PRESIDENT    OF    PENNSYLVANIA  I    THE 
CONSTITUTIONAL   CONVENTION  :    DEATH. 

ON  September  12, 1785,  the  ship  brought  Frank 
lin  into  Delaware  Bay,  and  the  next  morning  he 
rejoiced  to  find  himself  "  in  full  view  of  dear  Phil 
adelphia."  A  multitude,  filling  the  air  with  huzzas 
of  salutation,  greeted  his  landing  and  escorted  him 
to  his  door.  Private  welcomes  and  public  addresses 
poured  in  upon  him.  His  health  had  been  much 
improved  by  the  sea  air  and  rest,  and  he  rejoiced, 
as  his  foot  touched  the  streets  of  the  town  which 
after  all  his  wanderings  was  his  home,  to  feel  him 
self  by  no  means  yet  a  worn-out  man,  though  in  fact 
he  had  seventy-nine  years  of  a  busy  life  behind 
him.  His  fellow-citizens  evidently  thought  that  the 
reservoir  which  had  been  so  bountiful  could  not  yet 
be  near  exhaustion,  and  were  resolved  to  continue 
their  copious  draughts  upon  it.  They  at  once 
elected  him  to  the  State  Council,  of  which  he  was 
made  President ;  and,  as  he  said,  "  I  had  not  firm 
ness  enough  to  resist  the  unanimous  desire  of  my 
country  folks  ;  and  I  find  myself  harnessed  again 
in  their  service  for  another  year.  They  engrossed 
the  prime  of  my  life.  They  have  eaten  my  flesh, 


398  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

and  seem  resolved  now  to  pick  my  bones."  A  vis 
ible  and  a  natural  pleasure  lurks  in  the  words ;  old 
age  finds  nothing  sweeter  than  a  tribute  to  the 
freshness  of  its  powers;  and  especially  Franklin 
saw  in  this  honor  a  vindication  against  his  malign- 
ers.  From  it  he  understood  that,  however  some  in 
dividuals  might  indulge  in  dislike  and  distrust,  the 
overwhelming  mass  of  his  fellow-citizens  esteemed 
him  as  highly  as  he  could  wish.  The  distinction, 
however,  cost  posterity  an  unwelcome  price,  for  it 
prevented  further  work  on  the  autobiography,  which 
otherwise  would  probably  have  been  finished.1 

He  came  into  office  as  a  peacemaker  amid  war 
ring  factions,  and  in  the  fulfillment  of  his  functions 
gave  such  satisfaction  that  in  1786  he  was  unan 
imously  reflected  ;  and  the  like  high  compliment 
was  paid  him  again  in  the  autumn  of  1787.  It  was 
like  Washington  arid  the  presidency  :  so  long  as  he 
would  consent  to  accept  the  office,  no  other  candi 
date  was  thought  of.  He  also  took  substantially 
the  same  course  which  had  been  taken  by  Wash 
ington  as  commander-in-chief  concerning  his  pay ; 
for  he  devoted  his  whole  salary  to  public  uses.  He 
had  the  good  fortune  to  be  able  to  carry  out  his 
somewhat  romantic,  and  for  most  persons  impracti 
cable,  theory  in  this  respect,  because  his  private  af 
fairs  were  prospering.  His  investments  in  real  es 
tate  in  Philadelphia  had  risen  greatly  in  value  and 
in  their  income-producing  capacity  since  the  war, 
and  he  was  now  at  least  comfortably  endowed  with 
worldly  goods. 

1  Franklin's  Works,  ix.  459. 


AT  HOME.  399 

He  still  continued  to  ply  his  pen,  and  the  just 
but  annoying  complaints  which  came  from  Great 
Britain,  that  English  creditors  could  not  collect 
their  ante-bellum  debts  from  their  American  debt 
ors,  stimulated  him  to  a  bit  of  humor  at  which 
his  own  countrymen  at  least  were  sure  to  laugh, 
however  little  droll  it  might  seem  to  Englishmen, 
who  reasonably  preferred  good  dollars  to  good 
jokes.  "  We  may  all  remember  the  time,"  he 
wrote,  "  when  our  mother  country,  as  a  mark  of 
her  parental  tenderness,  emptied  her  gaols  into  our 
habitations,  'for  the  better  peopling,'  as  she  ex 
pressed  it,  '  of  the  colonies.'  It  is  certain  that  no 
due  returns  have  yet  been  made  for  these  valuable 
consignments.  We  are  therefore  much  in  her  debt 
on  that  account ;  and  as  she  is  of  late  clamorous 
for  the  payment  of  all  we  owe  her,  and  some  of  our 
debts  are  of  a  kind  not  so  easily  discharged,  I  am 
for  doing,  however,  what  is  in  our  power.  It  will 
show  our  good  will  as  to  the  rest.  The  felons  she 
planted  among  us  have  produced  such  an  amazing 
increase  that  we  are  now  enabled  to  make  ample 
remittance  in  the  same  commodity,"  etc.,  etc. 

Nevertheless  these  English  assaults  nettled  him 
not  a  little ;  and  further  he  dreaded  their  possible 
influence  in  the  rest  of  Europe  outside  of  England. 
The  English  newspapers  teemed  with  accounts  of 
the  general  demoralization  and  disintegration  of 
the  States  ;  it  was  said  that  they  had  found  their 
ruin  in  their  independence,  and  the  unwillingness 
of  American  merchants  to  pay  their  debts  was  in 


400  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

one  paragraph  attributed  to  their  dishonesty,  and  in 
the  next  to  the  hopeless  poverty  which  was  described 
as  having  possession  of  the  country.  It  was  in  good 
truth  what  Mr.  John  Fiske  has  called  it,  "  The 
Critical  Period  of  American  History."  But  Frank 
lin  was  at  once  too  patriotic  and  too  sanguine  to 
admit  that  matters  were  so  bad  as  they  seemed. 
His  insight  into  the  situation  proved  correct,  and 
the  outcome  very  soon  showed  that  the  elements  of 
prosperity  which  he  saw  were  substantial,  and  not 
merely  the  phantoms  of  a  hopeful  lover  of  his 
country.  During  these  years  of  humiliation  and 
discouragement  he  was  busy  in  writing  to  many 
friends  in  England  and  in  France  very  manly  and 
spirited  letters,  declaring  the  condition  of  things  in 
the  States  to  be  by  no  means  so  ill  as  it  was  repre 
sented.  Industry  had  revived,  values  were  advanc 
ing,  the  country  was  growing,  welfare  and  success 
were  within  the  grasp  of  the  people.  These  things 
he  said  repeatedly  and  emphatically,  and  in  a  short 
time  the  accuracy  of  his  knowledge  had  to  be  ad 
mitted  by  all,  whether  friends  or  enemies.  He 
would  not  even  admit  that  the  failure  to  arrange  a 
treaty  of  commerce  with  England  was  the  serious 
misfortune  which  most  Americans  conceived  it  to 
be.  In  his  usual  gallant  fashion  of  facing  down 
untoward  circumstances  he  alleged  again  and  again 
that  the  lack  of  such  a  treaty  was  worse  for  Great 
Britain  than  for  the  States.  If  British  merchants 
could  stand  it,  American  merchants,  he  avowed, 
could  stand  it  much  better.  He  was  for  showing 


AT  HOME.  401 

no  more  concern  about  it.  "  Let  the  merchants 
on  both  sides  treat  with  one  another.  Laissez  les 
faire"  he  said.  The  presence  of  such  a  temper  in 
the  States,  in  so  prominent  a  man,  was  of  infinite 
service  in  those  troubled  years  of  unsettled,  novel, 
and  difficult  conditions. 

Dr.  Franklin  was  not  at  first  elected  a  member 
of  the  deputation  from  Pennsylvania  to  the  conven 
tion  which  framed  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  But  in  May,  1787,  he  was  added  in  order 
that,  in  the  possible  absence  of  General  Washing 
ton,  there  might  be  some  one  whom  all  could  agree 
in  calling  to  the  chair.1  It  was  fortunate  that  even 
an  unnecessary  reason  led  to  his  being  chosen,  for 
all  future  generations  would  have  felt  that  an  un 
pardonable  void  had  been  left  in  that  famous  as 
semblage,  had  the  sage  of  America  not  been  there. 
Certainly  the  "  fitness  of  things,"  the  historical 
picturesqueness  of  the  event,  imperatively  de 
manded  Dr.  Franklin's  venerable  figure  in  the 
constitutional  convention  of  the  United  States  of 
America. 

As  between  the  two  theories  of  government  which 
divided  that  body,  Franklin  ranged  himself  with 
the  party  opposed  to  a  strong  and  centralized  gov* 
ernment  endowed  with  many  functions  and  much 
power.2  The  simplest  government  seemed  to  him 

1  Parton's  ii/e  of  Franklin,  ii.  565. 

2  But  later  he  remarked :  ' '  Though  there  is  a  general  dread  of 
giving  too  much  power  to  our  governors,  I  think  we  are  more  in 
danger  from  too  little  obedience  in  the  governed." 


402  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

the  best ;  and  he  substantially  gave  in  his  allegiance 
to  those  democratic  ideas  which  afterward  consti 
tuted  the  doctrines  of  the  Jeffersonian  school  in 
American  politics.  It  was  natural  that  he  should 
do  so  ;  he  was  a  cheerful  optimist  all  his  life  long, 
and  few  men  have  ever  so  trusted  human  kind  as  he 
did ;  so  now  he  believed  that  the  people  could  take 
care  of  themselves,  as  indeed  the  history  of  the  past 
few  years  and  the  character  of  the  population  of  the 
States  at  that  time  indicated  that  they  could.  He 
attended  regularly  all  the  sessions,  and  gave  his 
opinions  freely  ;  but  they  are  only  dimly  revealed 
in  the  half-light  which  enfolds  in  such  lamenta 
ble  obscurity  the  debates  of  that  interesting  body. 
What  little  is  known  can  be  briefly  stated. 

The  same  theory  which  he  was  practicing  con 
cerning  his  own  salary  he  wished  to  see  intro 
duced  as  an  article  of  the  Constitution.  The 
President,  he  thought,  should  receive  no  salary. 
Honor  was  enough  reward ;  a  place  which  gave 
both  honor  and  profit  offered  too  corrupting  a 
temptation,  and  instead  of  remaining  a  source  of 
generous  aspiration  to  "  the  wise  and  moderate, 
the  lovers  of  peace  and  good  order,  the  men  fit 
test  for  the  trust,"  it  would  be  scrambled  for  by 
"  the  bold  and  the  violent,  the  men  of  strong  pas 
sions  and  indefatigable  activity  in  their  selfish 
pursuits."  1  In  our  day  such  a  notion  and  such 
arguments  would  be  quickly  sneered  out  of  the  de- 

1  Franklin's   Works,   ix.   418.     See,   also,   letter  to  Bishop  of 
St.  Asaph,  Franklin's    Works,  viii.  270. 


AT  HOME.  403 

bate ;  but  they  were  in  keeping  with  the  spirit  of 
that  era  when  the  first  generation  which  for  ages 
had  dared  to  contemplate  popular  government  was 
carried  away  by  the  earliest  romantic  fervor  of  in 
experienced  speculation. 

It  is  familiar  that  the  gravest  question  which 
perplexed  the  convention  was  whether  the  larger 
and  the  smaller  states  should  stand  upon  terms  of 
equality,  or  whether  some  proportion  should  be 
established.  After  a  discussion,  recurred  to  at  in 
tervals  during  many  weeks,  had  failed  to  develop 
any  satisfactory  solution  of  this  problem,  pregnant 
with  failure,  Franklin  moved  that  the  daily  pro 
ceedings  should  be  opened  with  prayer.1  But 
Hamilton  said  that  a  resort  to  prayer  would  indi 
cate  to  the  people  that  the  convention  had  reached 
a  desperate  pass ;  and  either  this  or  some  other 
reason  was  so  potent  that  scarcely  any  one  voted 
yea  on  the  motion.  What  could  be  more  singular 
than  to  see  the  skeptical  Franklin  and  the  religious 
Hamilton  thus  opposed  upon  this  question  !  Frank 
lin  next  suggested  a  compromise :  an  equal  num 
ber  of  delegates  for  all  states ;  an  equal  vote  for 
all  states  upon  all  questions  respecting  the  author 
ity  or  sovereignty  of  a  state,  and  upon  appoint 
ments  and  confirmations  ;  but  votes  to  be  appor 
tioned  according  to  the  populations  of  the  states 
respectively  upon  all  bills  for  raising  and  spending 
money.  He  was  in  favor  of  a  single  legislative 
chamber,  and  his  plan  was  designed  to  be  applied 

1  Franklin's  Works,  ix.  428. 


404  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

to  such  a  system.  Its  feasibility  would  probably 
have  been  defeated  through  the  inevitable  com 
plexity  which  would  have  attended  upon  it  in  prac 
tice.1  Nevertheless  it  was  a  suggestion  in  the 
right  direction,  and  contained  the  kernel  of  that 
compromise  which  later  on  he  developed  into  the 
system  of  an  equal  representation  in  the  Senate, 
and  a  proportionate  one  in  the  House.  This  happy 
scheme  may  be  fairly  said  to  have  saved  the  Union. 

Upon  the  matter  of  suffrage  Franklin  voted 
against  limiting  it  to  freeholders,  because  to  do  so 
would  be  to  "  depress  the  virtue  and  public  spirit 
of  our  common  people,"  for  whose  patriotism  and 
good  sense  he  expressed  high  esteem.  He  opposed 
the  requirement  of  a  residence  of  fourteen  years  as 
a  preliminary  to  naturalization,  thinking  four  years 
a  sufficient  period.  He  thought  that  the  President 
should  hold  office  for  seven  years,  and  should  not 
be  eligible  for  a  second  term  ;  he  should  be  subject 
to  impeachment,  since  otherwise  in  case  of  wrong 
doing  recourse  could  be  had  only  to  revolution  or 
assassination ;  he  should  not  have  the  power  of  an 
absolute  veto. 

When  at  last  the  long  discussions  were  over  and 
the  final  draft  was  prepared,  Franklin  found  him 
self  in  the  position  in  which  also  were  most  of  his 
associates,  disapproving  certain  parts,  but  thinking 
adoption  of  the  whole  far  better  than  rejection. 
He  was  wise  enough  and  singular  enough  to  admit 

1  One  becomes  quite  convinced  of  this  upon  reading  his  presen- 
tation  of  his  scheme.  Works,  ix.  423  ;  see,  also,  Ibid.,  395. 


AT  HOME.  405 

that  he  was  not  infallibly  right.  "  Nothing  in  hu 
man  affairs  and  schemes  is  perfect,"  he  said,  "  and 
perhaps  that  is  the  case  of  our  opinions."  He 
made  an  excellent  speech,1  urging  that  at  the  close 
of  their  deliberations  all  should  harmonize,  sink 
their  small  differences  of  opinion,  and  send  the 
document  before  the  people  with  the  prestige  of 
their  unanimous  approbation.  While  the  last  mem 
bers  were  signing,  relates  Madison,  "  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  looking  toward  the  president's  chair,  at  the 
back  of  which  a  rising  sun  happened  to  be  painted, 
observed  to  a  few  members  near  him  that  painters 
had  found  it  difficult  to  distinguish  in  their  art  a 
rising  from  a  setting  sun.  4 1  have,'  he  said,  '  often 
and  often  in  the  course  of  the  session,  and  the  vicis 
situdes  of  rny  hopes  and  fears  as  to  its  issue,  looked 
at  that  behind  the  president  without  being  able  to 
tell  whether  it  was  rising  or  setting ;  but  now  at 
length  I  have  the  happiness  to  know  that  it  is  a 
rising  and  not  a  setting  sun.'  ' 

He  did  what  he  could  to  secure  the  adoption  of 
the  instrument  by  the  people  ;  and  when  that  end 
was  happily  achieved  he  joined  his  voice  to  the 
unanimous  cry  with  which  the  American  nation 
nominated  George  Washington  as  the  only  possible 
candidate  for  the  presidency.  He  said  :  "  General 
Washington  is  the  man  whom  all  our  eyes  are 
fixed  on  for  President,  and  what  little  influence  I 
may  have  is  devoted  to  him." 

It  was  about  the  time  of  the  election  that  he  him- 

1  Franklin's  Works,   ix.  431. 


406  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

self  took  his  farewell  of  public  life.  The  third  year 
of  his  incumbency  in  the  office  of  president  of 
Pennsylvania  expired  in  the  autumn  of  1788,  and 
his  physical  condition  precluded  all  idea  of  further 
official  labors.  Nature  could  not  have  committed 
such  an  incongruity,  such  a  sin  against  aesthetic 
justice,  as  not  to  preserve  Benjamin  Franklin's 
life  long  enough  to  enable  him  to  see  the  United 
States  fairly  launched  as  a  real  nation,  with  an 
established  government  and  a  sound  constitution 
giving  promise  of  a  vigorous  career.  But  evi 
dently  with  this  boon  the  patience  of  nature  was 
exhausted;  for  Franklin's  infirmities  now  increased 
upon  him  terribly.  He  endured  extreme  pain 
during  periods  steadily  increasing  in  length  and 
recurring  at  ever-shortening  intervals.  He  bore 
his  suffering,  which  too  often  became  agony,  with 
heroic  fortitude ;  but  it  was  evident  that  even  his 
strong  frame  could  not  long  hold  out  against  the 
debilitating  effects  of  his  merciless  disease.  Yet 
while  it  racked  his  body  it  fortunately  spared  his 
mental  faculties  ;  and  indeed  so  lively  did  his  inter 
est  in  affairs  remain  that  it  seemed  to  require  these 
physical  reminders  to  show  him  how  old  he  was  ; 
save  for  his  body,  he  was  still  a  man  in  his  prime. 
Pie  once  said  :  "  I  often  hear  persons,  whom  I  knew 
when  children,  called  old  Mr.  Such-a-one,  to  dis 
tinguish  them  from  their  sons,  now  men  grown  and 
in  business ;  so  that  by  living  twelve  years  beyond 
David's  period,  I  seem  to  have  intruded  myself 
into  the  company  of  posterity,  when  I  ought  to  have 


AT  HOME.  407 

been  abed  and  asleep,"  —  words  which  should  take 
their  place  among  the  fine  sayings  of  the  ages. 

He  was  courageous  and  cheerful.  In  November, 
1788,  he  wrote:  "You  kindly  inquire  after  my 
health.  I  have  not  of  late  much  reason  to  boast  of 
it.  People  that  will  live  a  long  life  and  drink  to 
the  bottom  of  the  cup  must  expect  to  meet  with 
some  of  the  dregs.  However,  when  I  consider  how 
many  more  terrible  maladies  the  human  body  is 
liable  to,  I  think  myself  well  off  that  I  have  only 
three  incurable  ones :  the  gout,  the  stone,  and  old 
age ;  and,  those  notwithstanding,  I  enjoy  many 
comfortable  intervals,  in  which  I  forget  all  my  ills, 
and  amuse  myself  in  reading  or  writing,  or  in  con 
versation  with  friends,  joking,  laughing,  and  tell 
ing  merry  stories,  as  when  you  first  knew  me,  a 
young  man  about  fifty."  *  He  does  not  seem  to 
have  taken  undue  credit  to  himself ;  there  is  no 
querulousness,  or  egotism,  or  senility  in  his  let 
ters,  but  a  delightful  tranquillity  of  spirit.  His 
sister  wrote  to  him  that  the  Boston  newspapers 
often  had  matter  in  his  honor.  "  I  am  obliged  to 
them,"  he  wrote ;  "  on  the  other  hand,  some  of  our 
papers  here  are  endeavoring  to  disgrace  me.  I 
take  no  notice.  My  friends  defend  me.  I  have 
long  been  accustomed  to  receive  more  blame,  as 
well  as  more  praise,  than  I  have  deserved.  It  is 
the  lot  of  every  public  man,  and  I  leave  one  ac 
count  to  balance  the  other."  So  serene  was  the 

1  He  habitually  wrote  in  this  vein'  see,  for  example,  Works, 
ix.  266,  283,  and  passim. 


408  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

aged  philosopher,  a  real  philosopher,  not  one  who, 
having  played  a  part  in  life,  was  to  be  betrayed  in 
the  weakness  and  irritability  of  old  age.  He  felt 
none  of  the  mental  weariness  which  years  so  often 
bring.  He  was  by  no  means  tired  of  life  and 
affairs  in  this  world,  yet  he  wrote  in  a  characteris 
tic  vein  to  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph  :  "  The  course 
of  nature  must  soon  put  a  period  to  my  present 
mode  of  existence.  This  I  shall  submit  to  with 
the  less  regret,  as,  having  seen  during  a  long  life 
a  good  deal  of  this  world,  I  feel  a  growing  curi 
osity  to  be  acquainted  with  some  other."  It  was 
characteristic  that  in  these  closing  days  it  was  the 
progress  of  mankind  in  knowledge  and  welfare 
which  especially  absorbed  his  thoughts.  When  he 
reflected  on  the  great  strides  that  were  making  he 
said  that  he  almost  wished  that  it  had  been  his 
destiny  to  be  born  two  or  three  centuries  later. 
He  was  one  of  the  few  men  who  has  left  on  re 
cord  his  willingness  to  live  his  life  over  again,  even 
though  he  should  not  be  allowed  the  privilege  of 
"  correcting  in  the  second  edition  the  errors  of  the 
first." 

The  French  Revolution  excited  his  profoundest 
interest.  At  first  he  said  that  he  saw  "  nothing 
singular  in  all  this,  but  on  the  contrary  what  might 
naturally  be  expected.  The  French  have  served 
an  apprenticeship  to  liberty  in  this  country,  and 
now  that  they  are  out  of  their  time  they  have 
set  up  for  themselves."  1  He  expressed  his  hope 
1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  ii.  600. 


AT  HOME  409 

that  "  the  fire  of  liberty,  .  .  .  spreading  itself  over 
Europe,  would  act  upon  the  inestimable  rights  of 
man  as  common  fire  does  upon  gold :  purify  with 
out  destroying  them  ;  so  that  a  lover  of  liberty  may 
find  a  country  in  any  part  of  Christendom."  The 
language  had  an  unusual  smack  of  the  French  re 
volutionary  slang,  in  which  he  seems  in  no  other  in 
stance  to  have  indulged.  But  as  the  fury  swelled 
his  earlier  sympathies  became  merged  in  a  painful 
anxiety  concerning  the  fate  of  his  many  good  old 
friends. 

Franklin's  last  act  was  a  memorial  addressed  to 
Congress,  signed  by  him  in  his  capacity  as  presi 
dent  of  the  abolition  society,  and  praying  that 
body  :  "  That  you  will  devise  means  for  removing 
this  inconsistency  from  the  character  of  the  Ameri 
can  people ;  that  you  will  promote  mercy  and  jus 
tice  towards  this  distressed  race  ;  and  that  you  will 
step  to  the  very  verge  of  the  power  vested  in  you 
for  discouraging  every  species  of  traffic  in  the  per 
sons  of  our  fellow-men."  He  had  always  spoken 
of  slavery  with  the  strongest  condemnation,  and 
branded  the  slave-trade  as  "  abominable,"  a  "dia 
bolical  commerce,"  and  a  "  crime." 

A  large  part  of  the  last  year  or  two  of  his  life 
was  passed  by  Franklin  in  his  bed.  At  times 
when  his  dreadful  suffering  seemed  to  become  in 
tolerable,  it  was  quelled,  so  far  as  possible,  by 
opium.  But  at  intervals  it  left  him,  and  still  when 
ever  he  thus  got  a  respite  for  a  few  days  he  was 
again  at  work.  It  was  in  such  an  interval  that  he 


410  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

wrote  his  paper  condemning  the  liberty,  which  was 
becoming  the  license,  of  the  press.  If  the  law  per 
mitted  this  sort  of  thing,  he  said,  then  it  should  re 
store  also  the  liberty  of  the  cudgel.  The  paper  is 
not  altogether  antiquated,  nor  the  idea  altogether 
bad! 

It  was  even  so  late  as  March  23,  1790,  that  he 
wrote  the  humorous  rejoinder  to  the  pro-slavery 
speech  delivered  in  Congress  by  Jackson  of  Geor 
gia.  But  the  end  was  close  at  hand  ;  and  when 
this  brilliant  satire  was  composed,  there  lacked  but 
a  few  days  of  the  allotted  term  when  that  rare 
humor  was  to  be  stilled  forever,  and  that  broad 
philanthropy  was  to  cease  from  the  toil  in  which  it 
had  never  tired  alike  for  the  free  and  the  oppressed. 

On  April  12,  1790,  a  pain  in  the  chest  and  diffi 
culty  of  breathing,  which  had  been  giving  him  much 
trouble,  ceased  for  a  short  while,  and  he  insisted 
upon  getting  up  in  order  to  have  his  bed  re-made ; 
for  he  wished  to  "  die  in  a  decent  manner."  His 
daughter  expressed  the  conventional  wish  that  he 
might  yet  recover  and  live  many  years.  "  I  hope 
not,"  he  replied.  Soon  afterward  the  pain  re 
turned,  and  he  was  advised  to  change  his  position, 
so  that  he  could  breathe  more  easily.  "  A  dying 
man  can  do  nothing  easy,"  he  said ;  and  these  are 
the  last  words  which  he  is  known  to  have  uttered. 
Soon  afterward  he  sank  into  a  lethargy,  and  so  re 
mained  until  at  eleven  o'clock,  p.  M.,  on  April  17, 
1790,  he  died. 

A  great  procession  and  a  concourse  of  citizens 


AT  HOME.  411 

escorted  his  funeral,  and  Congress  voted  to  "  wear 
the  customary  badge  of  mourning  for  one  month." 
The  bits  of  crape  were  all  very  well,  a  conven 
tional,  insignificant  tribute  ;  but  unfortunately  the 
account  of  the  country,  or  at  least  of  Congress  as 
representing  the  country,  did  not  stand  very  hon 
orably,  to  say  nothing  of  generously,  with  one  of 
its  oldest,  most  faithful,  and  most  useful  servants.1 
Again  and  again  Franklin  had  asked  for  some 
modest  office,  some  slight  opening,  for  his  grand 
son,  Temple  Franklin.  The  young  man's  plans 
and  prospects  in  life  had  all  been  sacrificed  to  the 
service  of  Franklin  as  his  secretary,  which  was  in 
fact  the  service  of  the  country ;  yet  he  had  never 
been  able  to  collect  even  the  ordinary  salary  per 
taining  to  such  a  position.  Throughout  a  long  life 
of  public  service,  often  costly  to  himself  in  his  own 
affairs,  Franklin  had  never  asked  any  other  favor 
than  this,  which  after  all  was  rather  compensa 
tion  than  favor,  and  this  was  never  given  to  him. 
When  one  reflects  how  such  offices  are  demanded 
and  awarded  in  these  days,  one  hardly  knows 
whether  to  be  more  ashamed  of  the  present  or  of 
the  past.  But  this  was  not  all  nor  even  the  worst ; 
for  Franklin's  repeated  efforts  to  get  his  own  ac 
counts  with  the  government  audited  and  settled 
never  met  with  any  response.  It  needed  only  that 

1  One  of  the  most  painful  letters  to  read  which  our  annals 
contain  is  that  written  by  Franklin  to  Charles  Thomson,  secretary 
of  Congress,  November  29,  1788,  Works,  viii.  26,  30.  It  is  an 
arraignment  which  humiliates  the  descendants  of  the  members  of 
that  body. 


412  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Congress  should  appoint  a  competent  accountant 
to  examine  and  report.  Before  leaving  France 
Franklin  had  begged  for  this  act  of  simple,  busi 
ness-like  justice,  which  it  was  the  duty  of  Congress 
to  initiate  without  solicitation  ;  he  had  the  fate  of 
the  "  poor  unhappy  Deane "  before  his  eyes,  to 
make  him  uncomfortable,  but  in  this  respect  he  was 
treated  no  better  than  that  misused  man.  After 
his  return  home  he  continued  his  urgency  during 
his  last  years,  not  wishing  to  die  leaving  malig 
nant  enemies  behind  him,  and  accounts  open  which 
he  could  no  longer  explain  and  elucidate.  In 
deed,  stories  were  already  circulating  that  he  was 
"  greatly  indebted  to  the  United  States  for  large 
sums  that  had  been  put  into  [his]  hands,  and  that 
[he]  avoided  a  settlement ;  "  yet  this  request  was 
still,  with  unpardonable  disregard  of  decency  and 
duty,  utterly  ignored.  He  never  could  get  the  busi 
ness  attended  to,  and  Benjamin  Franklin  actually 
could  not  extort  from  an  indifferent  Congress  the 
small  satisfaction  of  having  his  accounts  passed. 
The  consequence  was  that  when  he  died  the  United 
States  appeared  his  debtor,  and  never  extricated 
itself  from  that  painful  position.1  It  was  only  in 
this  matter  that  he  ever  showed  the  slightest  anx 
iety  concerning  his  reputation  with  posterity.  He 
wanted  to  leave  the  name  of  an  honest  man  ;  but 
otherwise  he  never  was  at  the  trouble  of  prepar 
ing  a  line  to  justify  any  of  his  actions,  therein 
differing  from  many  of  his  contemporaries. 
1  Parton's  Life  of  Franklin,  ii.  596. 


AT  HOME.  413 

France  showed  a  livelier  affection  and  warmer 
appreciation  toward  the  great  dead  than  did  his 
own  countrymen.  At  the  opening  of  the  National 
Assembly,  June  11,  1790,  Mirabeau  delivered  an 
impassioned  eulogy  in  the  rhetorical  French  fash 
ion  ;  and  the  motion  to  wear  mourning  for  three 
days  was  carried  by  acclamation.  The  president 
of  that  body,  M.  Sieyes,  was  instructed  to  commu 
nicate  the  resolution  to  Washington.  At  the  cel 
ebration  of  the  municipality  of  Paris  the  citizens 
generally  wore  a  mourning  badge ;  and  the  grain 
market,  where  the  oration  was  delivered,  was  draped 
in  black.  The  Academy  of  Sciences  of  course  did 
formal  honor  to  his  memory,  as  did  likewise  the 
revolutionary  clubs.  A  street  at  what  was  in  his 
day  Passy,  but  is  now  included  in  Paris,  near  the 
Trocadero,  perpetuates  by  his  name  the  admira 
tion  which  France  felt  for  him. 

Among  illustrious  Americans  Franklin  stands 
preeminent  in  the  interest  which  is  aroused  by  a 
study  of  his  character,  his  mind,  and  his  career. 
One  becomes  attached  to  him,  bids  him  farewell 
with  regret,  and  feels  that  for  such  as  he  the  longest 
span  of  life  is  all  too  short.  Even  though  dead, 
he  attracts  a  personal  regard  which  renders  easily 
intelligible  the  profound  affection  which  so  many 
men  felt  for  him  while  living.  It  may  be  doubted 
whether  any  one  man  ever  had  so  many,  such  con 
stant,  and  such  firm  friends  as  in  three  different 
nations  formed  about  him  a  veritable  host.  In  the 


414  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

States  and  in  France  he  was  loved,  and  as  he  grew 
into  old  age  he  was  revered,  not  by  those  who 
heard  of  him  only,  but  most  warmly  by  those  who 
best  knew  him.  Even  in  England,  where  for  years 
he  was  the  arch-rebel  of  all  America,  he  was  gen 
erally  held  in  respect  and  esteem,  and  had  many 
constant  friends  whose  confidence  no  events  could 
shake.  It  is  true,  of  course,  that  he  had  also  his 
detractors,  with  most  of  whom  the  reader  has  al 
ready  made  acquaintance.  In  Pennsylvania  the 
proprietary  party  cherished  an  animosity  which  still 
survives  against  his  memory,  but  which  does  not 
extend  far  beyond  those  who  take  it  as  an  inherit 
ance.  It  does  him  no  discredit  with  persons  who 
understand  its  source.  In  New  England  a  loyalty 
to  those  famous  New  Englanders,  John  Adams  and 
Samuel  Adams,  seems  to  involve  in  the  minds  of 
some  persons  a  depreciation  of  Franklin.  In  Eng 
lish  historical  literature  the  patriotic  instinct  stands 
in  the  way  of  giving  Franklin  quite  his  full  due  of 
praise.  But  the  faults  and  defects  of  character 
and  conduct  which  are  urged  against  him  appear 
little  more  than  the  expression  of  personal  ill-will, 
when  they  are  compared  with  the  affection  and 
the  admiration  given  to  him  in  liberal  measure  by 
the  great  mass  of  mankind  both  in  the  generations 
which  knew  him  as  a  living  contemporary  and  in 
those  which  hear  of  him  only  as  one  of  the  figures 
of  history.  It  is  not  worth  while  to  deify  him,  or 
to  speak  with  extravagant  reverence,  as  if  he  had 
neither  faults  nor  limitations.  Yet  it  seems  un- 


AT  HOME.  415 

gracious  to  recall  these  concerning  one  who  did  for 
his  fellow-men  so  much  as  Franklin  did.  Moral, 
intellectual,  and  material  boons  he  conferred  in  such 
abundance  that  few  such  benefactors  of  the  race 
can  be  named,  though  one  should  survey  all  the 
ages.  A  man  of  a  greater  humanity  never  lived ; 
and  the  quality  which  stood  Abou  Ben  Ad  hem 
in  good  stead  should  suffice  to  save  Franklin  from 
human  criticism.  He  not  only  loved  his  kind,  but 
he  also  trusted  them  with  an  implicit  confidence, 
reassuring  if  not  extraordinary  in  an  observer  of 
his  shrewdness  and  experience.  Democrats  of  the 
revolutionary  school  in  France  and  of  the  Jeffer- 
sonian  school  in  the  United  States  have  preached  an 
exaggerated  gospel  of  the  people,  but  their  words 
are  the  dubious  ones  of  fanatics  or  politicians. 
Franklin  was  of  a  different  kind,  and  had  a  more 
genuine  and  more  generous  faith  in  man  than  the 
greatest  democrat  in  politics  who  ever  lived. 

Franklin's  inborn  ambition  was  the  noblest  of  all 
ambitions  :  to  be  of  practical  use  to  the  multitude 
of  men.  The  chief  motive  of  his  life  was  to  pro 
mote  the  welfare  of  mankind.  Every  moment 
which  he  could  snatch  from  enforced  occupations 
was  devoted  to  doing,  devising,  or  suggesting  some 
thing  advantageous  more  or  less  generally  to  men. 
His  detractors  have  given  a  bad,  but  also  a  false 
coloring  to  this  trait.  They  say  that  the  spirit  of 
all  that  he  did  and  taught  was  sordid,  that  the 
motives  and  purposes  which  he  set  before  men  were 
selfish,  that  his  messages  spoken  through  the  mouth 


416  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

of  Poor  Richard  inculcated  no  higher  objects  in 
life  than  money-getting.  This  is  an  utterly  unfair 
form  of  stating  the  case.  Franklin  was  a  great 
moralist:  though  he  did  not  believe  in  tho  Chris 
tian  religion  according  to  the  strait-laced  orthodox 
view,  he  believed  in  the  virtues  which  that  religion 
embodies ;  and  he  was  not  only  often  a  zealous 
preacher,  but  in  the  main  a  consistent  exemplar 
of  them.  Perhaps  he  did  not  rest  them  upon  pre 
cisely  the  same  basis  upon  which  the  Christian 
preacher  does,  but  at  least  he  put  them  on  a  basis 
upon  which  they  could  stand  firm.  In  such  mat 
ters,  however,  one  may  easily  make  mistakes,  breed 
ill  blood,  and  do  harm  ;  and  his  wisdom  and  good 
sense  soon  led  him  to  put  forth  his  chief  efforts 
and  to  display  especial  earnestness  and  constancy 
in  promoting  the  well-being  of  all  men.  It  was  an 
object  sufficiently  noble,  one  would  think,  worthy 
of  the  greatest  brain  and  the  largest  heart,  and 
having  certain  very  commendable  traits  in  the  way 
of  practicability  and  substantial  possibilities.  His 
desire  was  to  see  the  community  prosperous,  com 
fortable,  happy,  advancing  in  the  accumulation  of 
money  and  of  all  physical  goods,  but  not  to  the 
point  of  luxury ;  it  was  by  no  means  the  pile  of 
dollars  which  was  his  end,  and  he  did  not  care  to 
see  many  men  rich,  but  rather  to  see  all  men  well 
to  do.  He  was  perfectly  right  in  thinking  that 
virtuous  living  has  the  best  prospects  in  a  well-to- 
do  society.  He  gave  liberally  of  his  own  means 
and  induced  others  to  give,  and  promoted  in  pro- 


AT  HOME.  417 

portion  to  the  ability  of  the  community  a  surpris 
ing  number  of  public  and  quasi  public  enterprises ; 
and  always  the  fireside  of  the  poor  man  was  as 
much  in  his  thought  as  the  benefit  of  the  richer 
circle.  Fair  dealing  and  kindliness,  prudence  and 
economy  in  order  to  procure  the  comforts  and  sim 
pler  luxuries  of  life,  reading  and  knowledge  for 
those  uses  which  wisdom  subserves,  constituted  the 
real  essence  of  his  teaching.  His  inventive  gen 
ius  was  ever  at  work  devising  methods  of  making 
daily  life  more  agreeable,  comfortable,  and  whole 
some  for  all  who  have  to  live.  In  a  word,  the  ser 
vice  of  his  fellow-men  was  his  constant  aim ;  and 
he  so  served  them  that  those  public  official  func 
tions  which  are  euphemistically  called  "  public  ser 
vices"  seemed  in  his  case  almost  an  interruption  of 
the  more  direct  and  far-reaching  services  which  he 
was  intent  upon  rendering  to  all  civilized  peoples. 
Extreme  religionists  may  audaciously  fancy  that 
the  judgment  of  God  upon  Franklin  may  be  se 
vere  ;  but  it  would  be  gross  disloyalty  for  his  own 
kind  to  charge  that  his  influence  has  been  ignobly 
material. 

As  a  patriot  none  surpassed  him.  Again  it  was 
the  love  of  the  people  that  induced  this  feeling, 
which  grew  from  no  theory  as  to  forms  of  gov 
ernment,  no  abstractions  and  doctrines  about  "  the 
rights  of  man."  He  began  by  espousing  the  cause 
of  the  people  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania 
against  proprietary  despotism,  and  for  many  years 
he  was  a  patriot  in  his  colony,  before  the  great 


418  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

issue  against  England  made  patriotism  common. 
His  patriotism  had  not  root  in  any  revolutionary 
element  in  his  temper,  but  was  the  inevitable  out 
come  of  his  fair-mindedness.  That  which  was  un 
fair  as  between  man  and  man  first  aroused  his  ire 
against  the  grinding  proprietaries ;  and  afterward 
it  was  the  unfairness  of  taxation  without  represen 
tation  which  especially  incensed  him ;  for  an  intel 
lect  of  the  breadth  and  clearness  of  his  sees  and 
loves  justice  above  all  things.  During  the  struggle 
w  of  the  States  no  man  was  more  hearty  in  the  cause 
than  Franklin ;  and  the  depth  of  feeling  shown  in 
his  letters,  simple  and  unrhetorical  as  they  are,  is 
impressive.  All  that  he  had  he  gave.  What  also 
strikes  the  reader  of  his  writings  is  the  broad  na 
tional  spirit  which  he  manifested.  He  had  an  im 
mense  respect  for  the  dignity  of  America ;  he  was 
perhaps  fortunately  saved  from  disillusionment  by 
his  distance  from  home.  But  be  this  as  it  may, 
the  way  in  which  he  felt  and  therefore  genuinely 
talked  about  his  nation  and  his  country  was  not 
without  its  moral  effect  in  Europe. 

Intellectually  there  are  few  men  who  are  Frank 
lin's  peers  in  all  the  ages  and  nations.  He  covered, 
and  covered  well,  vast  ground.  The  reputation  of 
doing  and  knowing  various  unrelated  things  is 
wont  to  bring  suspicion  of  perfunctoriness  ;  but  the 
ideal  of  the  human  intellect  is  an  understanding  to 
which  all  knowledge  and  all  activity  are  germane. 
There  have  been  a  few,  very  few  minds  which  have 
approximated  toward  this  ideal,  and  among  them 


AT  HOME.  419 

Franklin's  is  prominent.  He  was  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  scientists  who  have  ever  lived.  Ban 
croft  calls  him  "  the  greatest  diplomatist  of  his 
century."  l  His  ingenious  and  useful  devices  and 
inventions  were  very  numerous.  He  possessed  a 
masterly  shrewdness  in  business  and  practical  af 
fairs.  He  was  a  profound  thinker  and  preacher 
in  morals  and  on  the  conduct  of  life  ;  so  that  with 
the  exception  of  the  founders  of  great  religions  it 
would  be  difficult  to  name  any  persons  who  have 
more  extensively  influenced  the  ideas,  motives,  and 
habits  of  life  of  men.  He  was  one  of  the  most,  per 
haps  the  most  agreeable  conversationist  of  his  age. 
He  was  a  rare  wit  and  humorist,  and  in  an  age 
when  "  American  humor  "  was  still  unborn,  amid 
contemporaries  who  have  left  no  trace  of  a  jest, 
still  less  of  the  faintest  appreciation  of  humor,  all 
which  he  sa'id  and  wrote  was  brilliant  with  both 
these  most  charming  qualities  of  the  human  mind. 
Though  sometimes  lax  in  points  of  grammar,  as 
was  much  the  custom  in  his  day,  he  wrote  as  de 
lightful  a  style  as  is  to  be  found  in  all  English 
literature,  and  that  too  when  the  stilted,  verbose, 
and  turgid  habit  was  tediously  prevalent.  He  was 
a  man  who  impressed  his  ability  upon  all  who  met 
him  ;  so  that  the  abler  the  man  and  the  more  ex 
perienced  in  judging  men,  the  higher  did  he  rate 
Franklin  when  brought  into  direct  contact  with 
him ;  politicians  and  statesmen  of  Europe,  dis 
trustful  and  sagacious,  trained  readers  and  valu- 

i  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  S.,  ix.  134. 


420  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

ers  of  men,  gave  him  the  rare  honor  of  placing  con 
fidence  not  only  in  his  personal  sincerity,  but  in  his 
broad  fair-mindedness,  a  mental  quite  as  much  as 
a  moral  trait. 

It  is  hard  indeed  to  give  full  expression  to  a 
man  of  such  scope  in  morals,  in  mind,  and  in  affairs. 
He  illustrates  humanity  in  an  astonishing  multi 
plicity  of  ways  at  an  infinite  number  of  points.  He, 
more  than  any  other,  seems  to  show  us  how  many- 
sided  our  human  nature  is.  No  individual,  of  course, 
fills  the  entire  circle ;  but  if  we  can  imagine  a  cir 
cumference  which  shall  express  humanity,  we  can 
place  within  it  no  one  man  who  will  reach  out  to 
approach  it  and  to  touch  it  at  so  many  points  as 
will  Franklin.  A  man  of  active  as  well  as  uni 
versal  good-will,  of  perfect  trustfulness  towards  all 
dwellers  on  the  earth,  of  supreme  wisdom  expand 
ing  over  all  the  interests  of  the  race,  none  has 
earned  a  more  kindly  loyalty.  By  the  instruction 
which  he  gave,  by  his  discoveries,  by  his  inventions, 
and  by  his  achievements  in  public  life  he  earns  the 
distinction  of  having  rendered  to  men  varied  and 
useful  services  excelled  by  no  other  one  man  ;  and 
thus  he  has  established  a  claim  upon  the  gratitude 
of  mankind  so  broad  that  history  holds  few  who 
can  be  his  rivals. 


INDEX. 


ADAMS,  Abigail,  on  Franklin,  208. 

Adams,  John,  109,  217,  281,  284,  353, 
367,  378,  383,  391,  395,  414;  at  the 
conference  with  Lord  Howe,  212- 
214  ;  remarks  concerning  Franklin, 
232,  234,  333,  340 ;  in  the  Williams 
quarrel,  262 ;  concerning  rum,  273  ; 
feeling  toward  France,  283  note  ; 
arrival  in  Paris,  and  extreme  ac 
tivity  there,  290-292  ;  share  in  the 
quarrels  there,  292  ;  advises  to  break 
up  the  French  commission,  293, 294  ; 
returns  home,  294  ;  letter  to,  318  ; 
drafts  on,  and  financial  labors  in 
Holland,  326-328  ;  unpopular  at  the 
French  court,  335 ;  relations  with 
Franklin,  336,  337,  338,  340,  341, 
342  ;  return  to  Paris  as  peace  com 
missioner,  355,  357 :  trouble  with 
de  Vergennes,  345-349  ;  consequent 
wrath  against  Franklin,  350 ;  disap 
proves  Oswald's  commission,  368  ; 
approves  of  treating  without  com 
munication  with  de  Vergennes,  373 ; 
his  part  in  the  negotiations,  375, 
386,  394;  testimony  in  behalf  of 
Franklin,  384  ;  feud  with  Franklin, 
385. 

Adams,  Samuel,  106,  109,  333,  414; 
opposes  Franklin's  nomination  as 
agent  for  Massachusetts,  136;  pro 
jects  a  New  England  Confederacy, 
209. 

"  Alliance,"  officers  of,  313. 

Arnold,  General,  208. 

"  Art  of  Virtue,"  scheme  for  book, 
30-32. 

Austin,  J.  L.,  brings  news  of  Bur- 
goyne's  defeat,  267  ;  secret  mission 
to  England,  268. 

Bache,    Richard,    marries  Franklin's 

daughter,  201. 
Bancroft,  Edward,  258 ;  tells  story 

about   Franklin's  coat,  189,  280  ;  a 

spy,  221,  227. 
Beaumarchais,  Car  on  de,  early  career, 

222 ;    meets  Arthur  Lee,  222 ;    es 


pouses  colonial  cause,  223 ;  estab 
lishes  firm  of  Hortalez  &  Co.,  226- 
228  ;  relations  with  Deane,  234,  235, 
237  ;  suspected  by  Lee,  235 ;  at  Bur- 
goyne's  surrender,  267  ;  claims  on 
cargoes  of  rice  and  indigo,  305,  306. 
Bedford,  Duke  of,  113;  opposed  to 

raising  a  colonial  army,  51. 
Bollan,  Mr.,  agent  tor  council  of  Mas- 
|      sachusetts  Bay,  153  ;  in  affair  of  the 
Hutchinson  letters  and  privy  coun- 
I      cil  hearing,  183, 185. 
"BonHomme  Richard,"  297,  298. 
Bond,  Dr.,  aided  by  Franklin  in  es 
tablishing  hospital,  40. 
Braddock,    General.    50;    visited    by 
Franklin,    52;     expedition,     50    et 
j      seq.  ;  praises  Franklin,  54. 
Bradford, ,  editor  of  rival  news 
paper,  12. 

!  Burgoyiie,  General,  264,  269 ;  news  of 
!      defeat,  267  ;  effect  of,  331. 
Burke,  Edmund,  113 ;   on  Franklin's 

French  mission,  230. 
Burke,  William,  pamphlet  in  favor  of 
retaining  Guadaloupe  rather   than 
Canada  in  1760,  78,  79. 
|  "Busybody  "  papers,  31. 

Bute,  Earl  of,  104,  113,  211. 
I 

Camden,  Marquis  of,  counsel  for  Penns, 

67 ;  predicts  an  American  revolt,  81 ; 

befriends  the  colonies,  117  ;  enters 

cabinet,  146. 

Canada,  question  whether  to  retain  it 

at  peace  of  17G3,  77-82. 
:  Carmichael,  William,  217,  317 ;  praises 

Franklin,  341. 

\  Charles,  Mr.,  agent  for  colonies,  exe- 
j      cutes  agreement  as  to  taxation,  69. 
I  Chatham,  Earl  of.     See  Pitt. 
'  Chaumont,  M.  Ray  de,  lends  his  house 

to  Franklin,  232. 
I  Choiseul,  Duke  de,  predicts  American 

independence,  82. 
Colden,  letter  to,  39. 
Conway,  General,  receives  office,  113  ; 
moves  repeal  of  Stamp  Act,  131 ; 


422 


INDEX. 


enters  cabinet,  146 ;  advises  adop 
tion  of  Franklin's  ideas,  281  ;  mo 
tion,  after  news  of  Yorktown,  359. 

Coiiyngham,  the  privateersman,  245, 
246  et  seq. 

"  Cool  thoughts  on  the  Present  Situa 
tion,"  etc.,  published,  90. 

Cooper,  Sir  Grey,  on  Franklin's 
French  mission,  230. 

Cooper,  Samuel,  letter  as  to  Frank 
lin's  appointment  as  agent  for  Mas 
sachusetts,  137. 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  surrender,  358. 

Cumberland,  Duke  of.  forms  cabinet, 
113;  dies,  115. 

Cushing,  Thomas,  letter  to,  as  to 
Hutchinson's  letters,  177. 

Dana,  Francis,  reliance  on  Franklin, 
338,  341. 

Dartmouth,  Lord,  succeeds  Hillsbor- 
ough  in  charge  of  colonies,  164  ;  re 
lations  with  Franklin,  164  ;  annoyed 
at  Governor  Hutchinson's  behavior, 
165 ;  discusses  situation  with  Frank 
lin,  165-167  ;  petition  to,  for  re 
moval  of  Hutchinson,  etc.,  181  ; 
achieves  nothing  for  colonies,  191  ; 
Franklin's  memorial  to,  197. 

Deane,  Silas,  217,  229,  272,  412 ;  char 
acter  and  career,  219;  arrival  in 
France,  220,  227  ;  instructions,  221  ; 
relations  with  Bancroft,  221,  227  ; 
relations  with  Beaumarchais,  234, 
235,  237  ;  traduced  by  Arthur  Lee, 
235,  and  by  Izard,  286  ;  defended  by 
Franklin,  236,  286;  sends  foreign 
officers  to  the  States,  238-240 ;  favors 
strong  appeal  to  France,  266 ;  re 
turn  home,  286,  290 ;  friendly  to 
Franklin,  393. 

Declaration  of  rights,  123. 

De  Grey,  Lord  Chief  Justice,  184. 

De  laLuzerne,  minister  to  States,  346, 
357,  382. 

Denham, ,  offers  Franklin  a  clerk 
ship,  9 ;  dies,  10. 

Despencer,  Lord  le,  breakfast  party 
at  his  house,  134. 

D'Estaing,  Admiral,  sails,  282. 

De  Weissenstein,  letter  from,  and  re 
ply,  352-354. 

Dickinson,  John,  170 ;  speech  of,  93 ; 
opposition  to  election  of  Franklin  as 
agent  for  Pennsylvania,  96,  97  ;  de 
sires  to  petition  Parliament,  204, 
215. 

Digges,  rascality  of,  260,  359. 

"  Dissertation  on  Liberty  and  Necessi 
ty, Pleasure  and  Pain, "published, 9; 
Franklin's  subsequent  opinion  of,  25. 

Dubourg,  Dr.,  letter  to  Franklin,  228. 

Dunning,  Mr.,  counsel  for  Franklin, 
185,  186. 


East  India  Company,  suffers  by  Eng 
lish  legislation,  173. 

Fiske,  John,  400. 

Folger,  Abiah,  wife  of  Joseph  Frank 
lin,  2. 

Folger,  Peter,  2,  3. 

Fox,  Charles,  268,  attacks  Lord 
North  about  the  French  alliance, 
277  ;  in  Buckingham  cabinet,  360 ; 
differences  with  Shelburne,  361, 
365,  366  ;  retires  from  office,  366. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  lineage,  2  ;  birth, 
3 ;  intended  for  the  church,  3 ;  ap 
prenticed  to  his  brother,  4 ;  religious 
speculations,  5 ;  runs  away,  5  ;  be 
ginnings  in  Philadelphia,  6  ;  returns 
home,  7 ;  embarks  for  England, 
under  auspices  of  Sir  William  Keith, 
7  ;  career  in  London,  8  ;  infidelity, 
9 ;  returns  home,  10 ;  illness  and 
epitaph,  10,  11 ;  partnership  with 
Meredith,  11  ;  establishes  a  news 
paper,  12, 23 ;  matrimonial  schemes, 
13;  married,  15;  establishes  a  li 
brary,  20  ;  publishes  "  Poor  Rich 
ard's  "  almanac,  21  ;  as  a  teacher  of 
morality,  24  et  seq.  ;  religious  views, 
24  et  seq. ;  scheme  for  "  The  Art  of 
Virtue,"  30-32;  letter  to  President 
Stiles,  28  ;  project  for  the  "  Society 
of  the  Free  and  Easy,"  33 ;  estab 
lishes  the  Junto,  33;  studies  lan 
guages,  35  ;  clerk  of  the  General  As 
sembly,  35  ;  postmaster  at  Philadel 
phia,  35 ;  invents  a  stove,  35  ;  founds 
a  philosophical  society,  36 ;  interest 
in  agriculture,  36 ;  founds  the  Uni 
versity  of  Pennsylvania,  36 ;  en 
deavors  to  reorganize  the  night 
watch,  37 ;  establishes  the  Union 
Fire  Company,  38  ;  interest  in  mil 
itary  matters,  38  ;"  Plain  Truth," 
39 ;  takes  a  partner,  39 ;  elected  to 
various  offices,  40  ;  commissioner  to 
treat  with  the  Indians,  40 ;  assists 
Dr.  Bond  to  establish  his  hospital, 
40  ;  attends  to  lighting  and  cleaning 
streets,  42  ;  postmaster  general,  42 ; 
made  Master  of  Arts  of  Harvard  and 
Yale,  43 ;  deputy  to  an  Indian  con 
ference  at  Albany,  43 ;  proposes  a 
colonial  confederation,  44 ;  writes 
letters  on  Shirley's  plan  for  assem 
bly  of  governors,  46 ;  early  views  on 
parliamentary  taxation  of  colonies, 
46  et  seq.  ;  and  concerning  colonial 
representation  in  parliament,  48 ; 
visits  Boston,  49;  appointed  to 
supervise  military  expenditures,  49 ; 
concerned  in  Braddock's  campaign, 
51-54;  claims  against  the  govern 
ment  for  advances,  54 ;  becomes  a 
colonel,  54-56 ;  scheme  for  planting 


INDEX. 


423 


colonies  inland,  56 ;  reputation 
among  scientists  in  Europe,  58  ;  his 
existence  doubted,  58;  deputed  to 
represent  Pennsylvania  in  England, 
59,  G2  ;  opposed  to  the  proprietaries, 
61,  62 ;  embarks,  but  is  long  de 
tained,  63,  64 ;  arrival  in  London, 
65;  interview  with  Lord  Granville 
as  to  colonial  conditions,  65 ;  with 
the  proprietaries,  66  ;  and  with  their 
counsel,  67 ;  finally  substantially 
carries  his  point,  69-71 ;  prolonged 
detention  in  England,  72 ;  vain 
efforts  to  see  Mr.  Pitt,  73  ;  social 
amenities,  73  ;  friendship  with  Stra- 
han,  74  ;  university  honors  in  Eng 
land  and  Scotland,  74;  fancy  for  liv 
ing  in  England,  75,  76,  85;  scheme 
for  matrimonial  alliance  for  his 
daughter,  75 ;  and  for  his  son,  75 ; 
efforts  to  induce  England  to  retain 
Canada,  77-81 ;  deprecates  the  idea 
of  American  independence,  80,  81; 
predicts  the  growth  of  the  West, 
82  ;  return  home  and  warm  wel 
come,  83  ;  chosen  to  the  assem 
bly,  83;  voted  an  imperfect  com 
pensation,  83 ;  unaffected  by  ap 
pointment  of  his  son  as  governor  of 
New  Jersey,  84  ;  postal  journey,  85 ; 
prognostications  concerning  Gov 
ernor  Penn,  86 ;  opposition  to  the 
murdering  "Paxton  boys,"  86-89  ; 
relations  with  Governor  Penn,  89 ; 
a  leader  on  the  popular  side,  90  ; 
campaign  literature,  90-94;  chosen 
speaker,  to  sign  petition,  93 ;  op 
posed,  and  beaten  at  election  for 
assembly  in  1764,  95;  chosen  as 
agent  for  the  colony,  in  England, 
96-98  ;  embarkation  at  Philadelphia 
and  arrival  in  London,  99  ;  position 
and  business  in  England,  100,  101  ; 
instructed  to  oppose  the  Stamp  Act, 
104 ;  interview  with  Grenville,  105  ; 
early  opinion  as  to  Stamp  Act, 
105-107  ;  no  idea  of  independence, 
106 ;  recommends  Mr.  Hughes  to 
dispense  stamps  at  Philadelphia, 
107 ;  consequent  unpopularity  at 
home,  108,  109  ;  falls  in  with  public 
opinion  in  the  States,  110,  120 ;  his 
usefulness  in  England,  109-112;  a 
witness  before  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  118,  120 ;  expresses  American 
view  as  to  principle  of  Stamp  Act, 
120,  122  ;  willing  to  hunt  and  fish 
for  a  livelihood,  122  ;  upon  taxation 
without  representation,  122;  says 
Americans  are  not  subjects  of  par 
liament,  123,  124  ;  personal  regard 
for  George  III.,  124-126  ;  views  as 
to  colonial  representation  in  par 
liament,  126-128 ;  on  difference  be 


tween  internal  and  external  taxes, 
128-130 ;  asserts  willingness  of  colo 
nies  to  bear  their  share  of  public 
burdens,  130;  sudden  return  of 
popularity  in  Pennsylvania,  132 ; 
sends  a  gown  to  his  wife,  132  ;  efforts 
to  instruct  Englishmen  concerning 
America,  133  et  seq. ;  jest  as  to 
claim  of  king  of  Prussia  to  England, 
134 ;  "  Rules  for  reducing  a  Great 
Empire  to  a  small  one,"  135;  com 
munication  with  French  govern 
ment,  136  ;  agent  of  New  Jersey, 
Georgia,  and  Massachusetts,  136 ; 
opposed  in  Massachusetts,  137 ;  posi 
tion  before  Englishmen,  137  ;  salary, 
137;  financial  affairs,  138,  143; 
postmastership,  138 ;  attempts  at 
bribery,  139;  slandered,  139;  ad 
vises  moderation,  144  ;  on  Hillsbor- 
ough's  appointment,  150  ;  relations 
and  interview  with  Hillsborough, 
151-155 ;  no  longer  recognized  as 
agent  for  Massachusetts,  156,  157  ; 
on  bad  terms  with  Hillsborough, 
156  ;  views  as  to  proper  character  of 
colonial  agents,  157  ;  works  against 
Hillsborough,  158,  and  overthrows 
him,  158-162,  and  is  snubbed  by 
him,  162 ;  argument  addressed  to 
Privy  Council  about  a  frontier  prov 
ince,  161 ;  never  gets  the  grant, 
163;  suggests  Hillsborough 's  suc 
cessor,  163;  relations  with  Dart 
mouth,  164 ;  again  recognized  as 
agent  for  Massachusetts,  164 ;  con 
versation  with  Dartmouth  about 
quarrel  between  Hutchinson  and 
Massachusetts  assembly,  165-167 ; 
desire  to  restore  an  earlier  status, 
167-169;  forebodings  of  war,  169; 
counsels  moderation,  170 ;  faith  in 
non-importation,  171-173,  174 ;  on 
the  result  of  the  Stamp  Act  and  the 
Customs  Act,  173  ;  sends  the  Hutch 
inson  letters  to  Massachusetts,  176- 
178  ;  exculpates  Whately  and  Tem 
ple,  180 ;  transmits  petition  to  Lord 
Dartmouth,  181  ;  notified  of  hearing 
before  Privy  Council,  182 ;  remarks 
before  the  council,  183;  assailed  by 
Wedderburn,  186-188;  his  velvet 
coat,  188  ;  deprived  of  office  as  post 
master,  190 ;  resigns  agency  for 
Massachusetts,  190  ;  blamed  by  Mas 
sachusetts  Assembly,  191  ;  speaks 
well  of  Arthur  Lee,  192 ;  personal 
danger,  charges  of  treason,  192 ; 
on  provincial  government,  194 ;  in 
terview  with  Chatham,  194 ;  views 
as  to  unity  of  the  Empire,  195  ;  com 
plimented  by  Chatham  in  House  of 
Lords,  195 ;  irritated  into  address 
ing  an  angry  memorial  to  Lord  Dart- 


424 


INDEX. 


mouth,  196-199 ;  secret  negotiations 
for  conciliation,  199 ;  last  day  in 
England,  with  Dr.  Priestley,  200  ; 
return  home,  200 ;  letter  to  Priestley, 
after  Lexington  and  Concord,  202  ; 
to  Strahan,  203 ;  services  in  Pro 
vincial  Congress,  as  to  new  petition, 
204;  declaration  for  Washington, 
204 ;  jesting  habit,  206 ;  plan  for  a 
union  of  colonies,  206;  postmaster 
general,  206 ;  chairman  of  provincial 
committee  of  safety,  207 ;  member 
of  the  assembly,  207  ;  sent  to  confer 
with  Washington  at  Cambridge, 
207 ;  sent  to  Canada,  208 ;  member 
of  Constitutional  Convention  of 
Pennsylvania,  209  ;  connection  with 
Declaration  of  Independence,  209, 
210 ;  opinion  as  to  voting  power  of 
States  in  the  confederacy,  210 ;  cor 
respondence  with  Lord  Howe,  211 ; 
interview  with  him,  212-214;  af 
fected  by  bloodshed,  214  ;  letters  to 
Priestley,  215;  fitness  for  diplo 
macy,  217  et  seq. ;  gets  news  from 
France  in  September,  1776,  228  ;  and 
is  consequently  sent  thither,  228 ; 
his  voyage,  229,  230;  his  arrival, 
228,  230-232;  takes  quarters  at 
Passy,  232 ;  way  of  life,  232 ;  audi 
ence  given  by  de  Vergennes,  233; 
in  connection  with  the  Deane- 
Beaumarchais  business,  234,  236, 
237  ;  dealings  with  foreign  military 
officers,  240-243 ;  a  political  proph 
ecy,  243  ;  advises  privateering,  245  ; 
connection  with  privateersmen  in 
Europe,  246  et  seq.  ;  protects  them 
against  French  governmental  inter 
ference,  248 ;  endeavors  to  effect 
exchange  of  prisoners  with  England, 
250  et  seq. ;  correspondence  with 
Hartley  on  this  subject,  253  et  seq.  ; 
methods  of  business  in  this  matter, 
256,  257  ;  remits  money  to  prisoners, 
254,  260;  appoints  Jonathan  Wil 
liams  naval  agent,  261 ;  consequent  j 
trouble,  261,  262  ;  troubled  by  lack  ' 
of  news  from  the  States,  264  ;  keeps 
up  his  spirits,  264-266  ;  gets  news 
of  Burgoyne's  surrender,  267  ;  sends 
J.  L.  Austin  to  England,  268  ;  cor 
respondence  with  Hartley  about 
French  alliance,  269,  270  ;  negotia 
ting  treaties  with  France,  270-276  ; 
misunderstanding  with  Lee,  273- 
275  ;  writes  to  Hartley  about  peace, 
278  ;  granted  an  audience  by  Louis 
XVI.,  279  ;  his  costume,  280  ;  hated 
by  George  III.,  281  ;  ideas  as  to  con-  I 
duct  of  warfare,  283,  284  ;  meeting  ' 
with  Voltaire,  285 ;  says  a  good  word  j 
for  Deane,  286  ;  more  assaults  on  the  > 
part  of  Lee,  287-290,  293,  294  ;  ad-  I 


vises  establishing  a  single  represen 
tative  at  Versailles,  293  ;  appointed 
minister  plenipotentiary  to  France, 
294,  295;  trouble  with  Lee  about 
official  papers,  296;  relations  with 
John  Paul  Jones,  296,  297  ;  troubles 
with  Landais  and  Lee,  298,  299  ;  as 
American  financier  in  Europe,  303, 
305,  307  ;  lends  money  to  Congress, 
304 ;  yields  two  cargoes  to  Beau- 
marchais,  306 ;  appeals  to  Thomas 
Morris,  306 ;  writes  a  pamphlet  on 
credit  of  the  States,  307  ;  agrees  to 
meet  interest  on  loan  in  the  States, 
307 ;  annoyed  by  drafts,  308,  314, 
316,  327,  329,  331 ;  not  advised  con 
cerning  bills  drawn,  309 ;  vexed  by 
demands  of  Lee  and  Izard,  310-313  ; 
aids  the  officers  of  the  Alliance, 
313  ;  begging  from  France,  314,  320, 
321,  323;  annoyed  by  state  agents 
seeking  loans,  315 ;  applied  to  by 
Jones,  315;  assists  Jay,  317,  318, 
324,  329,  330;  proposes  furnishing 
supplies  to  French  fleet,  318  ;  urges 
self-help,  318  ;  meets  drafts  on  Lau- 
rens,  320,  322,  324 ;  fragment  of  his 
diary,  322 ;  secures  a  loan  in  Hol 
land,  324 ;  trouble  about  Jackson's 
purchases,  324-326 ;  called  upon  to 
meet  drafts  on  John  Adams,  326 ; 
demands  of  Morris,  326,  329,  331; 
asks  remittances  from  America, 
327  ;  antedated  bills,  328  ;  personal 
liability,  327,  328;  demands  from 
Livingston,  328,  329;  warned  by 
de  Vergennes,  328  ;  relations  with 
John  Adams,  333,  350  ;  influence  in 
France,  335;  discussion  of  his  offi 
cial  life  in  France,  336-342  ;  annoyed 
by  rumors  from  home,  343 ;  pa 
tience,  343;  effort  to  resign,  344; 
ill-treated  by  Congress,  344  ;  in 
voked  to  aid  Adams  in  his  trouble 
with  de  Vergennes,  346-351  ;  opin 
ions  as  to  paper  money,  351  ;  ap 
proached  by  Pulteney,  as  to  peace, 
352 ;  share  in  the  de  Weissenstein 
episode,  352-354 ;  approached  by 
Hartley,  as  to  truce,  354  ;  feelings 
toward  England ,  354,  355  ;  as  to  re 
union  with  England,  355 ;  as  to 
choice  between  England  and  France, 
356  ;  one  of  the  Commission  to  treat 
for  peace,  358  ;  refuses  to  treat  sep 
arately  from  France,  358,  359  ;  op 
portune  note  to  Shelburne,  359 ; 
first  interview  with  Oswald,  360; 
second  interview,  362 ;  refuses  to 
negotiate  separately  from  France, 
363 ;  urges  Jay's  presence,  365 ; 
asks  to  treat  with  Oswald,  366 ; 
agrees  with  Oswald,  367  ;  opinion 
as  to  Oswald's  commission,  368; 


INDEX. 


425 


criticises  Jay's  letter,  369 ;  differs 
vvich  Jay,  370,  372-374  ;  on  compen 
sation  to  American  royalists,  375, 
376 ;  antipathy  to  American  royal 
ists,  377  ;  correspondence  with  de 
Vergennes  as  to  the  secret  treating, 
379,  382  ;  blamed  by  Congress,  382  ; 
and  by  others,  383  ;  vindicated,  384  ; 
feud  with  the  Adams  family,  385 ; 
discussion  of  his  part  in  making  the 
treaty,  386-391 ;  opinion  of  de  Ver- 
gennes,  388  ;  again  resigns,  391 ;  re 
tained  for  commercial  treaties,  391 ; 
leave  to  retire,  392 ;  Jefferson's  tes 
timony  as  to  his  position  in  France, 
392-394;  departure  from  France, 
395  ;  voyage,  396 ;  arrival  at  home, 
397 ;  councilor,  397  ;  devotes  sal 
ary  to  public  use,  398  ;  proposal  for 
repaying  British  debts,  399  ;  encour 
aging  views,  400;  member  of  the 
Constitutional  Convention,  401-405 ; 
comes  out  for  Washington,  405; 
physical  ills,  406;  feeling  about 
French  revolution,  408  ;  anti-slavery 
efforts,  409,  410  ;  condemns  the  lib 
erty  of  the  press,  409 ;  last  illness 
and  death,  410  ;  ill  treatment  ex 
perienced  at  the  hands  of  Congress, 
411,  412  ;  French  action  concerning 
his  death,  413 ;  reflections  on  his 
character,  abilities,  and  life,  413- 
420. 

Franklin,  Mrs.  Deborah,  receives 
Franklin's  illegitimate  son,  16 ;  let 
ter  to,  74;  dread  of  crossing  the 
Atlantic,  75,  76 ;  in  the  Stamp  Act 
riots,  108 ;  Franklin's  present  of  a 
gown  to,  132  ;  dies,  201.  See  Read, 
Miss  Deborah. 

Franklin,  James,  early  relations  with 
Benjamin,  4,  5. 

Franklin,  Josiah,  emigration  and  mar 
riages  of,  2  ;  refuses  to  aid  Franklin 
in  setting  up  as  a  printer,  7. 

Franklin,  Sarah,  offer  of  marriage,  75  ; 
and  the  Stamp  Act  riots,  108  ;  mar 
ries,  201. 

Franklin,  Temple,  his  unrequited  ser 
vices,  243,  245,  339,  411. 

Franklin,  William,  birth,  16  ;  will  not 
marry  Mary  Stevenson,  75  ;  appoint 
ed  governor  of  New  Jersey,  83  ;  and 
becomes  a  Tory,  84 ;  last  interview 
with  his  father,  396. 

Gadsden,  Christopher,  106,  109. 

Galloway,  Joseph,  speech  of,  93 ;  de 
feated  at  election  for  Assembly,  96. 

Gates,  General,  269,  277,  295. 

"  Gentleman's  Magazine,"  The,  on 
Franklin's  examination,  120. 

George  III.,  anxious  for  peace  with 
France  in  1759-60,  77;  displaces 

I 


Grenville,  113 ;  Franklin's  opinion 
of,  124-126 ;  hatred  of  Shelburne, 
147,  148 ;  vexed  with  Hillsborough, 
158  ;  hatred  of  Franklin,  281  ;  and 
de  Weissensteiu,  353;  makes  Shel 
burne  prime  minister,  366. 

George  IV.,  268. 

Gerard,  M.,  negotiates  with  colonial 
commissioners,  270-276 ;  liberal  pro 
fessions  to  them,  282  ;  claims  credit 
for  ousting  Arthur  Lee,  294. 

Gibbon,  Edward,  quoted,  276,  281. 

Grand,  M.,  the  banker,  310,  322,  331. 

Granville,  Lord,  interview  with  Frank 
lin  concerning  colonial  politics,  65, 
66. 

Greene,  General,  on  Franklin,  207. 

Grenville,  George,  178;  in  the  treas 
ury  department,  103  ;  schemes  con 
cerning  colonial  taxation,  103,  104 ; 
interview  with  Franklin,  105;  pro 
cures  from  Franklin  nomination  of 
stamp  distributor,  107 ;  and  the 
Stamp  Act,  112,  113,  142  ;  on  exter 
nal  and  internal  taxes,  128,  130. 

Grenville,  Thomas,  mission  to  Paris, 
361,  363-366  ;  recalled,  367  ;  remarks 
concerning  obligations  to  France, 
389. 

Guadaloupe,  question  of  retaining,  77 
et  seq, 

Hall,  David,  fellow-workman  of  Frank- 
lin,  9  ;  taken  into  partnership,  39. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  340,  403. 

Hamilton,  Governor,  superseded,  86. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  207,  210. 

Hartley,  David,  252,  359;  and  the 
American  prisoners,  253,  255-258  ; 
advice  as  to  alliance  with  France, 
269;  and  the  conciliatory  bills  and 
peace,  278,  279  ;  warning  to  Frank 
lin,  284 ;  proposes  truce,  354 ;  about 
a  peace,  356. 

Harvard  College  makes  Franklin  mas 
ter  of  arts,  43. 

Hawthorne,  Nathaniel,  214,  280. 

Henry,  Patrick,  106,  109. 

Hillsborough,  Earl  of,  placed  in 
charge  of  the  colonies,  150 ;  Frank 
lin's  opinion  of,  and  relations  with, 
150  et  seq.,  156;  .interview  with 
Franklin,  152-156  ;  precarious  ten 
ure  of  office,  158 ;  vexes  the  king, 
158  ;  loses  his  place  on  the  question 
of  granting  lands,  159-162 ;  resent 
ment  against  Franklin,  162  ;  speaks 
ill  of  the  colonists,  103,  164. 

Hortalez  &  Co.,  firm  of,  226,  227,  235. 

Howe,  Lord,  efforts  at  conciliation,  in 
England,  199  ;  and  in  America,  211- 
214 ;  captures  Philadelphia,  264. 

Hughes,  nominated  stamp  distributor, 
107. 


426 


INDEX. 


Hume,  David,  74. 

Hunter,  William,  associated  with 
Franklin  in  managing  the  post-of 
fice,  42. 

Hutchinson,  Anne,  176,  note. 

Hutchinson,  Governor  Thomas,  182, 
note,  183 ;  quarrels  with  Massa 
chusetts  Assembly  and  irritates  the 
ministry,  165 ;  his  letters,  175  et 
seq. ;  position  in  Massachusetts, 
176,  note ;  petition  for  his  removal, 
181  ;  favors  arrest  of  Franklin,  193. 

Izard,  217,  290,  295;  meddles  in  the 
treaty  negotiations,  275  ;  traduces 
Deane,  286  ;  and  Franklin,  286,  289, 
294,  393;  exorbitant  demands  for 
money  rebuked  by  Franklin,  310- 
313. 

Jackson,  William,  demands  for  money, 
324,  325. 

Jay,  John,  217,  383,  391;  financial 
trouble  in  Spain,  303,  316,  318,  326  ; 
aided  by  Franklin,  317,  327,  329, 
330  ;  feeling  towards  Franklin,  338, 
341,  342,  365,  393 ;  on  peace  com 
mission,  358  ;  comes  to  Paris,  365 ; 
ill,  367  ;  objects  to  Oswald's  com 
mission,  367  ;  letter  on  the  subject, 
369;  suspicious  of  de  Vergennes, 
369, 370,  373  ;  persuades  Vaughan  to 
go  secretly  to  London,  370  ;  desires 
to  treat  without  communication 
with  de  Vergennes,  373 ;  takes 
charge  of  boundaries  and  navigation 
of  Mississippi,  374,  375 ;  angry  at 
congressional  reproof,  382  ;  testi 
mony  in  behalf  of  Franklin,  384; 
his  part  in  the  negotiation,  386. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  and  Declaration  of 
Independence,  210  ;  French  mission, 
229  ;  on  peace  commission,  345,  358  ; 
tribute  to  Franklin,  392-394,  395. 

Jones,  John  Paul,  his  doings  atid  re 
lations  with  Franklin,  296,  297; 
trouble  with  Landais,  298;  applies 
for  money,  315. 

Junto,  the,  established,  33 ;  aids  in  es 
tablishing  fire  companies,  38. 

Kames,  Lord,  74  ;  letter  to,  as  to 
"  Art  of  Virtue,"  31 ;  letter  to,  on 
leaving  England,  76  ;  letter  to,  as  to 
growth  of  the  West,  82. 

Kant,  Immanuel,  calls  Franklin  Pro 
metheus,  etc.,  59. 

Keimer,  Franklin's  employer,  6,  11 ; 

?ublishes  a  newspaper,  and  sells  it, 
2. 
Keith,    Sir    William  ;     behavior     to 

Franklin,  6-8. 

Knox,  agent  for  Georgia,  favors  a 
Stamp  Act,  104. 


Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  recommended 
by  Franklin,  243 ;  aids  Franklin  to 
raise  money,  329,  331. 

Landais,  Captain,  his  misbehavior,  298, 
299. 

Laurens,  Henry,  217,  384;  complains 
of  Franklin,  260;  drafts  on,  320, 
322 ;  on  peace  commission,  358 ; 
friendly  towards  Franklin,  393. 

Laurens,  John,  expenses  in  Holland, 
324. 

Lee,  Arthur,  183,  217,  270,  295  ;  slan 
ders  Franklin,  139,  192,  288,  290, 
291, 294,  299,  393 ;  praised  by  Frank 
lin,  192;  succeeds  Franklin,  200; 
meets  Beaumarchais,  222 ;  commis 
sioner  to  France,  229  ;  traduces 
Deane,  235,  237  ;  vituperates  Wil 
liams,  261  ;  sides  with  Franklin, 
against  Deane,  267  ;  jealousy  of 
Franklin,  the  cake  story,  272  ;  makes 
trouble  about  the  alliance,  274,  275 ; 
not  told  of  departure  of  Deane  and 
Gerard,  286  ;  comments  upon,  287  ; 
general  unpopularity,  288 ;  exces 
sive  demands  for  money,  293,  310, 
312 ;  removed  from  French  com 
mission,  294,  295;  bad  behavior  as 
to  official  papers  of  French  commis 
sion,  295  ;  return  home.  299  ;  spoils 
a  loan,  313  ;  relies  on  Franklin,  338. 

Lee,  John,  counsel  for  Franklin,  185, 
186. 

Lee,  William,  217  ;  and  the  Williams 
affair,  261  ;  meddles  in  the  French 
mediations,  275  ;  traduces  Franklin, 
294. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  265. 

Livingston,  letters  to,  319,  331 ;  letters 
from,  328,  329,  382. 

"  London  Chronicle."  letters  of  Frank 
lin  published  in,  46. 

Loudoun,  Lord,  dispatched  to  the 
provinces,  63  ;  his  character  and  be 
havior,  63,  64. 

Louis  XVI.,  222,  223,  225;  polite 
speech  to  American  commissioners, 
279 ;  civilities  to  Franklin,  395. 

Lovell,  James,  letter  to,  308. 

Madison,  James,  story  of  the  rising  or 
the  setting  sun,  405. 

Mansfield,  Lord,  interview  with  Frank 
lin  as  to  the  disputes  with  the  Penns, 
69  ;  supports  principle  of  Stamp 
Act,  117. 

Mason,  J.  M.,  229,  230. 

Mather,  Cotton,  2. 

Mauduit,  Israel,  183. 

Meredith,  ,  Franklin's  partner, 

11,  12. 

Mirabeau,  Comte  de,  eulogy  on  Frank 
lin,  113. 

Morris,  Robert,  300,  303  ;  in  matter  of 


INDEX. 


427 


Thomas  Morris,  261 ;   demands  for  I 
money,  326,  328-331. 
Morris,  Thomas,  217,  260,  261,  306.        j 

Necker,  Jacques,  loan  to  the  States, 
324. 

"  New  England  Courant,"  5. 

Noailles,  Marquis  de,  announces  alli 
ance  between  France  and  United 
States,  280. 

Norris,  Isaac,  speaker  of  Pennsylvania 
Assembly,  62  ;  resigns  rather  than 
sign  petition,  93. 

North,  Lord,  361 ;  chancellor  of  ex 
chequer,  150  ;  at  privy  council  hear 
ing,  187  ;  and  conciliation,  199  ;  and 
Hartley,  253 ;  introduces  concilia 
tory  bills  after  Burgoyne's  surren 
der,  277 ;  admits  the  alliance  with 
France,  278  ;  receives  news  of  Corn- 
wallis's  surrender,  358  ;  resigns,  359. 

Oliver,  Lieutenant-Governor,  184  ;  his 
letters,  175;  petition  for  his  re 
moval,  181. 

Oswald,  Richard,  opens  talk  about 
peace,  360  ;  second  interview,  362  ; 
difficulties  as  to  his  authority,  365- 
368  ;  receives  new  commission,  371 ; 
and  treats,  372  el  seq. 

Otis,  James,  106. 

Oxford,  University  of,  makes  Frank 
lin  doctor  of  laws,  74. 

Parton,  James,  life  of  Franklin  cited, 
16,  23,  35,  206,  219,  229,  237,  238, 
268,  278,  279,  280,  401,  408,  412. 

"  Paxton  boys,"  massacre  and  riot, 
86-88  ;  the  affair  excites  hostility 
toward  Franklin,  89,  95. 

Pelham,  Henry,  103. 

Penn,  the  family  of,  proprietaries,  re 
lations  with  the  people,  49,  59-63  ; 
efforts  of  Franklin  to  negotiate  with, 
66  et  seq.  ;  their  position  concerning 
taxation,  67-70 ;  beaten,  71 ;  send 
one  of  their  number  to  be  governor, 
86 ;  Franklin's  hostility  to,  miti 
gated,  94,  note. 

Penn,  John,  made  governor,  86 ;  be 
havior  in  the  matter  of  the  Paxton 
massacre  and  riot,  88  ;  hostility  to 
ward  Franklin,  89 ;  his  vetoes,  89, 
90. 

Penn,  Richard,  Franklin's  famous  epi 
taph  for,  94. 

Penn,  Thomas,  49,  63,  86 ;  Franklin's 
famous  epitaph  for,  94. 

"Pennsylvania  Gazette,"  published 
by  Franklin,  12,  13,  23 ;  articles  in, 
43. 

Pitt,  William,  73,  82,  103;  opposes 
Stamp  Act,  112,  115,  117 ;  fails  to 
form  a  cabinet,  113 ;  will  not  take 


office,  116  ;  reforms  the  Rockingham 
ministry,  146;  backs  Shelburne, 
147  ;  statue  to,  in  America,  148  ;  se 
clusion,  148,  149 ;  Franklin's  inter 
view  with,  194,  195;  compliments 
Franklin  in  House  of  Lords,  195. 

"  Plain  Truth  "  published.  39. 

"  Poor  Richard's  Almanac,"  21-23. 

Pownall,  Governor,  scheme  for  "  bar 
rier"  colonies,  56. 

Pratt,  John  J.  See  Camden,  Marquis 
of. 

Priestley,  Dr.,  concerning  privy  coun 
cil  hearing.  187 ;  passes  day  with 
Franklin,  200;  letter  to,  at  out 
break  of  war,  202  ;  humorous  letter 
to,  215  ;  and  Austin,  268. 

Pulteney,William,mission  about  peace, 
352. 

Ray,  Catherine,  letter  to,  14. 

Rayneval,  F.  M.  G.  de,  views  as  to 
western  lands,  3G9 ;  secret  mission 
to  London,  3/0. 

Read,  Miss  Deborah,  first  sees  Frank 
lin,  6 ;  subsequent  career,  14,  15  ; 
marries  Franklin,  15.  See  Frank 
lin,  Mrs.  Deborah. 

Rockingham,  Marquis  of ;  his  cabinet, 
113 ;  position  as  to  Stamp  Act,  117  ; 
his  cabinet  revamped,  145,  146  ;  on 
Franklin's  French  mission,  231  ; 
second  cabinet,  360 ;  death,  366. 

Robertson,  Dr.,  74. 

"  Rules  for  reducing  a  Great  Empire," 
etc.,  135. 

Rush,  Dr.,  228. 

Rutledge,  Edward,  at  conference  with 
Lord  Howe,  212-214. 

Sandwich,  Lord,  assails  Franklin,  195. 

Serapis,  The,  297,  298. 

Shelburne,  Earl  of,  enters  cabinet,  and 
his  position  therein,  146-148  ;  backed 
by  Pitt,  147 ;  opposed  by  Town- 
shend,  146-148;  hated  by  George  III., 
147, 148  ;  superseded,  150  ;  entertains 
Austin,  268  ;  letter  of  Franklin  to, 
359 ;  in  Rockingham  cabinet,  360 ; 
opens  talk  about  peace,  360 ;  differ 
ences  with  Fox,  361,  366 ;  scheme 
for  "federal  union,"  362;  prime 
minister,  366 ;  his  position  in  re 
spect  of  the  treaty,  367,  368  ;  an 
arbiter  between  France  and  the 
States,  370,  371  ;  earnest  in  behalf 
of  American  royalists,  375  ;  but 
yields,  376  ;  thrust  from  power,  378. 

Shirley,  William,  Governor,  plan  for 
assembly  of  colonial  governors,  46  ; 
for  representation  of  colonies  in  Par 
liament,  48 ;  appoints  auditors  for 
claims  under  Braddock's  expedition, 
54 ;  qualifications  as  a  soldier,  55. 


428 


INDEX. 


Sieyes,  Abb6  E.  J.  de,  413. 

Slidell,  John,  229,  230. 

"  Society  of  the  Free  and  Easy,"  33. 

Stamp  Act,  the,  101,  103,  104,  107 
112,  143, 145,  167,  168  ;  passed,  105 
Franklin's  feeling  about,  105  et  seq. , 
effect  in  England,  114  ;  opposed  bj 
Pitt,  112,  115  ;  Rockingham's  posi 
tion,  117  ;  debate  on  principle  of 
117  ;  Franklin's  examination  in  con 
nection  with,  120  et  seq.  ;  repealed 
131 ;  causes  of  repeal,  141 ;  opinion 
as  to  repeal,  141, 142  ;  financial  re 
suits  of,  173. 

St.  Andrews,  University  of,  makes 
Franklin  doctor  of  laws,  74. 

St.  Asaph,  Bishop  of,  278,  395,  402 
note,  408. 

Steuben,  Baron,  introduced  by  Frank 
lin,  243. 

Stevenson,  Mary,  100  ;  Franklin  wish 
es  his  son  to  marry,  75 ;  letter  to,  85. 

Stevenson,  Mrs.,  100. 

Stiles,  Ezra,  letter  to,  28. 

Stormont,  Lord,  interferes  with  Beau- 
marchais,  227  ;  on  Franklin's  recep 
tion  in  France,  231 ;  reply  to  Frank 
lin  concerning  exchange  of  prisoners, 
250  ;  leaves  Paris,  281. 

Strachey,  Henry,  sent  to  Paris,  372. 

Strahan,  William,  74  ;  offers  matrimo 
nial  alliance,  75 ;  letter  to,  on  leav 
ing  England,  76 ;  letter  to,  as  to 
welcome  home,  83 ;  letter  of  enmi 
ty  to,  203. 

Sullivan,  General,  212. 

Temple, ,  and  the  Hutchinson  let 
ters,  178-181. 

Thomson,  Charles,  letters  to,  105,  411. 

Thornton,  Major,  agent  to  aid  prison 
ers,  254. 

Townshend,  Charles,  104  ;  in  charge  of 
colonial  business,  102 ;  his  schemes, 
102  ;  succeeded  by  Grenville,  103 ; 
hostility  to  colonies,  115 ;  favors  re 
peal  of  Stamp  Act,  142  ;  chancellor 
of  the  exchequer,  146  ;  position  in 
hostility  to  Shelburne  on  colonial 
affairs,  146-148  ;  proposal  for  colo 
nial  taxation,  149  ;  dies,  150. 

Truxton,  Commodore,  396. 

Turgot,  views  as  to  aiding  the  colo 
nies,  224  ;  displaced,  225 ;  on  French 
finances,  314. 

Union  Fire  Company  established,  38. 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  37. 

Vaughan,  Benjamin,  mission  to  Lord 


Shelburne,  370,  371  ;  about  the  roy 
alists  question,  376. 

Vergennes,  Comte  de,  foresees  Amer 
ican  independence,  82  ;  views  as  to 
aiding  the  colonies,  223,  225;  ar 
rangements  with  Beaumarchais,  226, 
227;  upon  Franklin's  arrival  in 
France,  231 ;  gives  audience  to  co 
lonial  coiiimissioners,  233  ;  and  the 
colonial  privateers,  247, 248  ;  charges 
of  selfishness  against,  249 ;  secret 
interview  with  colonial  commission 
ers,  270  ;  liberal  dealing  with  them, 
282 ;  as  to  Lee,  286,  288 ;  financial 
applications  to,  320,  323,  327,  328, 
330;  liking  for  Franklin,  342,  393; 
trouble  with  John  Adams  as  to  pa 
per  money,  345-349;  and  the  de 
Weissenstein  letter,  353 ;  trusted  by 
Franklin,  357,  388-390;  dislikes 
Adams,  357  ;  influence  in  matter  of 
peace  commission,  357 ;  at  first  sug 
gestions  of  peace,  359,  360  ;  amused 
at  English  propositions,  363 ;  puz 
zled,  365 ;  opinion  as  to  Oswald's 
commission,  367  ;  suspicions  against, 
368-370, 380 ;  on  the  treaty  of  peace, 
378 ;  anger  at  the  secret  treating, 
379-382. 

Voltaire  meets  Franklin,  285. 

Walpole,  Horace,  on  Franklin's  em 
barkation,  229  ;  and  the  French  al 
liance,  277. 

Walpole,  Sir  Robert,  103. 

Walpole,  Thomas,  277 ;  advice  to 
Franklin,  197-199. 

Washington,  George,  204,  241,  264, 
295,  303,  304,  323,  335,  340,  353,  398, 
413 ;  visited  by  Pennsylvania  dele 
gation,  207 ;  president,  405. 

Wedderburn,  Alexander,  Solicitor- 
General,  at  the  hearing  before  the 
privy  council,  183,  184,  186,  187. 

Weissenstein.     See  de  Weissenstein. 

Whately,  Thomas,  and  the  Hutchinson 
letters,  178-181  ;  sues  Franklin,  185. 

Whately,  William,  and  the  Hutchin 
son  letters,  178. 

Williams,  Jonathan,  217,  294,  322  ;  re 
ceives  appointment  from  Franklin, 
261;  displaced,  262;  ill-treated,  263, 
345. 

Wyndham,  Sir  William,  proposes  to 
Franklin  to  teach  swimming,  10. 

Yale  College  makes  Franklin  master 
of  arts,  43. 

Yorke,  Charles,  counsel  for  Pennsyl 
vania,  67. 


OP 

DEPARTMENT  OF 

EXTENSION. 


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Edited  by  John  T.  Morse,  Jr. 
Each,  i6mo,  cloth,  gilt  top,  $1.25  ;  half  polished  morocco, 

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CRITICAL  NOTICES. 


PR  ANfCT  TN  **e  has  manaSed  to  condense  the  whole  mafes  of 
"  matter  gleaned  from  all  sources  into  his  volume 

without  losing  in  a  single  sentence  the  freedom  or  lightness  of  his 
style  or  giving  his  book  in  any  part  the  crowded  look  of  an  epitome. 
—  The  Independent  (New  York). 

Thoroughly   appreciative    and    sympa- 
thetic>  ygt  fair  and  critical<  ^  _  /^ 

biography  is  a  piece  of  good  work  —  a  clear  and  simple  presentation 
of  a  noble  man  and  pure  patriot ;  it  is  written  in  a  spirit  of  candor 
and  humanity.  —  Worcester  Spy. 

//7TA7/P  y  Pr°fessor  Tyler  has  not  only  made  one  of  the  best 
*  and  most  readable  of  American  biographies  ;  he  may 
fairly  be  said  to  have  reconstructed  the  life  of  Patrick  Henry,  and  to 
have  vindicated  the  memory  of  that  great  man  from  the  unapprecia- 
tive  and  injurious  estimate  which  has  been  placed  upon  it.  —  New 
York  Evening  Post. 

l/tSd  <?  fTTAJC1  TD  AT     Mr.  Lodge  has  written  an  admirable  bio- 
U2Vt     graphy,  and  one  which  cannot  but  confirm 
the  American  people  in  the  prevailing  estimate  concerning  the  Father 
of  his  Country. — New  York  Tribune. 

A  g°od  Piece  of  literary  work.  ...  It  cov- 
ers  the  ground  thoroughly,  and  gives  just 
the  sort  of  simple  and  succinct  account  that  is  wanted.  —  New  York 

Evening  Post. 

^r'  Lodge  has  done  his  work  with  conscien- 
tious  care,  and  the  biography  of  Hamilton  is  a 
book  which  cannot  have  too  many  readers.  It  is  more  than  a  bio 
graphy  ;  it  is  a  study  in  the  science  of  government.  —  St.  Paul  Pioneer 
Press. 

Mr-  Roosevelt  nas  produced  an  animated  and  in- 
tensely  interesting  biographical  volume.  .  .  .  Mr. 
Roosevelt  never  loses  sight  of  the  picturesque  background  of  poli 
tics,  war-governments,  and  diplomacy.  — Magazine  of  American  His 
tory  (New  York). 

<v»f  Y  ^  ^s  an  lmP°rtant  addition  to  the  admirable  series  of 
*^  '  "  American  Statesmen,"  and  elevates  yet  higher  the  charac 
ter  of  a  man  whom  all  American  patriots  most  delight  to  honor.  — 
New  York  Tribune. 

Well  done,  with  simplicity,  clearness,  precision, 
and  judgment,  and  in  a  spirit  of  moderation  a*d 
equity      A  valuable  addition  to  the  series.  —  New  York  Tribune. 


A  singularly  just,   well-proportioned,  and  In 
teresting  sketch  of  the  personal  and  political 
career  of  the  author  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  —  Boston 

'Journal. 

M  A  pi  T<?(~)]\T  The  execution  of  the  work  deserves  the  highest 
MA-UIS  (JIM.  praise.  It  is  very  readable,  in  a  bright  and  vigor- 
ous  style,  and  is  marked  by  unity  and  consecutiveness  of  plan.  —  The 
Nation  (New  York). 

C*  A  T  T  A  TTN"  ^  'ls  one  °^  t^ie  most  carefuHy  prepared  of  these 
{T/±L.L,/iJ.2l\.  very  valuable  volumes,  .  .  .  abounding  in  infor 
mation  not  so  readily  accessible  as  is  that  pertaining  to  men  more 
often  treated  by  the  biographer.  —  Boston  Correspondent  Hartford 
Courant. 

X/rn\TJ?nf?  President  Oilman  has  made  the  most  of  his  hero, 
IV1U1\1\U&.  without  the  least  hero-worship,  and  has  done  full 
iustice  to  Mr.  Monroe's  "relations  to  the  public  service  during  half  a 
century."  .  .  .  The  appendix  is  peculiarly  valuable  for  its  synopsis  of 
Monroe's  Presidential  Messages,  and  its  extensive  Bibliography  of 
Monroe  and  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  —  N.  Y.  Christian  Intelligencer. 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

posterity  we  have  very  little  doubt,  and  he  has  set  an  admirable 
example  to  his  coadjutors  in  respect  of  interesting  narrative,  just  pro 
portion,  and  judicial  candor.  —  New  York  Evening  Post. 

r»  *  j\rr\r)T  pu     The  book  has  been  to  me  intensely  interesting. 
'     ...  It  is  rich  in  new  facts  and  side  lights,  and 
is  worthy  of  its  place  in  the  already  brilliant  series  of  monographs 
on  American  Statesmen.  —  Prof.  MOSES  COIT  TYLER. 

Professor   Sumner  has  ...  all   in  all,   made  the 
justest  long  estimate  of  Jackson  that  has  had  itself 
put  between  the  covers  of  a  book.  —  New  York  Times. 

VAN  RTTRFN'  This  absorbing  book.  ...  To  give  any  ade- 
;  quate  idea  of  the  personal  interest  of  the  book, 
or  its  intimate  bearing  on  nearly  the  whole  course  of  our  political 
history,  would  be  equivalent  to  quoting  the  larger  part  of  it.  —  Brook' 
lyn  Eagle. 

££A  Y  We  have  in  this  ^e  °*  Henry  Clay  a  biography  of  one  ol 
'  the  most  distinguished  of  American  statesmen,  and  a  po 
litical  history  of  the  United  States  for  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  Indeed,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that,  for  the  period 
covered,  we  have  no  other  book  which  equals  or  begins  to  equal  this 
life  of  Henry  Clay  as  an  introduction  to  the  study  of  American  poli 
tics.  —  Political  Science  Quarterly  (New  York). 


WF  R  97V?  f?      ^  w'^  ke  read  by  students  of  history;  it  will  be 

invaluable  as  a  work  of  reference  ;  it  will  be  an 

ttuthority  as  regards  matters  of  fact  and  criticism  j  it  hits  the  key* 


note  of  Webster's  durable  and  ever-growing  fame ;  ft  is  adequate, 
calm,  impartial ;  it  is  admirable.  —  Philadelphia  Press. 

(**  T  TTQ  rrnr    Nothing  can  exceed  the  skill  with  which  the  political 
'    career  of  the  great  South  Carolinian  is  portrayed 
in  these  pages.  .  .  .  The  whole  discussion  in  relation  to  Calhoun's 
position  is  eminently  philosophical  and  just. — The  Dial  (Chicago). 

RFNTON     An  mteresting  addition  to  our  political  literature, 
'     and  will  be  of  great  service  if  it  spread  an  admiration 
for  that  austere  public  morality  which  was  one  of  the  marked  charac 
teristics  of  its  chief  figure. —  The  Epoch  (New  York). 

CA  S*  S*  Pr°fessor  McLaughlin  has  given  us  one  of  the  most  satis- 
'  factory  volumes  in  this  able  and  important  series.  .  .  . 
The  early  life  of  Cass  was  devoted  to  the  Northwest,  and  in  the 
transformation  which  overtook  it  the  work  of  Cass  was  the  work  of 
a  national  statesman. — New  York  Times. 

T  TNCOT  N     As   a  *'^e  °^  Lincoln  it  has  no  competitors;  as  a 
'     political  history  of  the  Union  side  during  the  Civil 
War,  it  is  the  most  comprehensive,  and,  in  proportion  to  its  range, 
the  most  compact.  —  Harvard  Graduates'  Magazine. 

SE  WARD      ^^e  Puknc  wiU  be  grateful  for  his  conscientious 
'     efforts  to  write  a  popular  vindication  of  one  of  the 
ablest,  most  brilliant,  fascinating,  energetic,  ambitious,  and  patriotic 
men  in  American  history.  —  New  York  Everting  Post. 

CHASF      His  great  career  as  an ^-slavery  leader,  United  States 
""     Senator,  Governor  of  Ohio,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
and  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  is  described  in  an  adequate 
and  effective  manner  by  Professor  Hart. 

CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS. 

and  the  masterly  ability  and  consummate  diplomatic  skill  displayed 
by  him  while  Minister  to  Great  Britain,  are  judiciously  set  forth  by 
his  eminent  son. 

^^e  majestic  devotion  of  Sumner  to  the  highest  po- 
jjtjcal  ideals  before  and  during  his  long  term  of  lofty 

service  to  freedom  in  the  United  States  Senate  is  fittingly  delineated 

by  Mr.  Storey. 

STE  VjEJVS     Thaddeus  Stevens  was  unquestionably  one  of  the 
'     most  conspicuous  figures  of  his  time.  .  .  .  The  book 
Ihows  him  the  eccentric,  fiery,  and  masterful  congressional  leade* 
lhat  he  was.  —  City  and  State  (Philadelphia). 

HOUGHTON,    MIFFLIN    &    CO. 

4  PARK  ST.,  BOSTON;  85  FIFTH  AVENUE,  NEW  YORK 

378-388  \V ABASH  AVE.,  CHICAGO 


THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
STAMPED  BELOW 


AN. INITIAL    FINE     OF     25     CENTS 

WILL  BE  ASSESSED, FOR  FAILURE  TO  RETURN 
THIS.  BOOK  ON'  THE  DATE  DUE.  THE  PENALTY 
WILL  INCREASE  TO  5O  CENTS  ON  THE  FOURTH 
DAY  AND  TO  Sl.OO  ON  THE  SEVENTH  DAY 
OVERDUE.  •'  -/**• 


OCT 


SEP  29  1933 


SEP    27  1939 


OCT  20 

28  1945 


'57KR»    I 
C'D  L  J 


REG' 

NOV261S 


1  9  1959 


•o 

191358 


r 

""»  >JP 


LD  '21-50m-8,-3a 


